Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

During the Third Five-Year Plan, the Central Committee intends to increase imports of machinery, equipment, and technology for large-scale fertilizer plants and chemical fibers, particularly from European countries.

Currently, China's largest-scale fertilizer import negotiation is with the Netherlands, and the two sides have a basis for cooperation.

As early as 1955 and 1956, China had already cooperated with the Netherlands. Three sets of complete fertilizer industrial equipment were imported from the Netherlands, each with an annual production capacity of tons of synthetic ammonia and tons of urea.

The cooperation between the two sides was very smooth at that time. The equipment purchased with the loan from China has been repaid to this day, with no default.

Both parties feel more at ease when cooperating again this time.

The Dutch government is willing to provide China with a loan guarantee of US$1200 million, a set of urea production equipment and a complete set of technology, as well as training for Chinese technicians.

This set of equipment and technology is relatively high-end in the world, with an annual urea production capacity of 35 tons. However, when the Netherlands asked China to announce it,

The annual urea production capacity of this equipment is 16 tons.

The two sides have roughly reached an agreement. China told the Netherlands that if this cooperation goes smoothly and China successfully puts the project into production, it will import three more sets of equipment of this scale within the next five years.

The Netherlands was certainly satisfied. Currently, only a major country like China could import so many complete sets of equipment within a few years and still afford to repay the loans. The equipment, along with other expenses, totaled over $100 million.

The goal of the Central Government's Third Five-Year Plan was to completely solve the problem of food and clothing for the Chinese people. The Central Government hoped that within ten years, China would completely abolish grain and cloth coupons.

After everyone finishes their report, there will be a group discussion.

After several days of discussion, the conference formally adopted Wei Hongjun's Ten Major Political Reports, Deng Xixian's Three-Five Plan Report, and reports from other central leaders.

The most important report was Chen Tanqiu's "Report on the Inspection System." This time, Chen Tanqiu's proposed inspection system began to expand the review of local finances. Wei Hongjun and Chen Tanqiu gradually expanded the inspection powers of the inspection teams, initially limited to inspecting the work of their own departments, to now allowing inspections of all aspects of local government.

The composition of the inspection team has also been expanded from the Organization Department, the Supervisory Commission, and the Letters and Calls Bureau to other central departments.

The inspection team's main task is to identify problems, then transfer them to the responsible departments for handling, and finally supervise the results of the handling.

The inspection teams themselves do not have the power to directly handle problems. However, after several years of efforts, it is undeniable that their power has been increasing.

Then came the second important topic of the meeting, which was to amend the Party Constitution.

Everyone believed that many of the ideas expressed at the Ninth National Congress had been tested during the Second Five-Year Plan and were therefore correct. Therefore, this revision of the Party Constitution officially incorporated Wei Hongjun's "Theory of Socialist Stages" presented at the Ninth National Congress, as well as his assessment of China's primary stage of socialism, into the Party Constitution.

The Party Constitution formally confirms that China is now in the primary stage of socialism and will remain in this stage for a long time to come.

Moreover, the Party Constitution incorporates the Chairman’s judgment on the basic contradictions in the primary stage of socialism at the Ninth National Congress.

The main contradiction in the primary stage of socialism is the contradiction between the people's demand for building an advanced socialist industrial country and the reality of a backward agricultural country; the contradiction between the people's need for rapid economic and cultural development and the situation where the current economy and culture cannot meet people's needs.

At this stage, we must adhere to the socialist path, the dictatorship of the proletariat, the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and Marxism-Leninism. These were the "Four Upholdings" proposed by Chairman Mao at the Ninth National Congress and incorporated into the Party Constitution at this meeting.

At the same time, the number of Central Committee members was changed from 101 to 134, and the number of alternate members was increased from 77 to 97.

The number of Politburo members was also adjusted from 19 to 21.

First, we will elect 560 members of the Central Committee from a list of 134 candidates proposed by the conference presidium.

97 alternate members of the Central Committee.

Although the number of Central Committee members has been increasing, the value of Central Committee members remains very high.

The same local leaders, whether they are members of the Central Committee or not, have different status within the party. After the Central Committee has been expanded over the years, all local leaders are members of the Central Committee.

More and more people are becoming members of the Central Committee. After the election of Central Committee members is completed, the newly elected Central Committee will begin to elect members and alternate members of the Politburo.

The previous Politburo members, Marshal Lin and Marshal Luo, resigned to rest.

Many people didn't want Marshal Lin to return. It wasn't that they hated him; rather, many people admired him greatly. Those officers from the First Red Army, if they encountered Marshal Lin outside, would still salute him wholeheartedly.

Because Marshal Lin was the representative of the Red 1st Army, and he was able to lead the Red 1st Army on the battlefield in his twenties. But precisely because of this, if he returned, he could directly influence the current political structure.

Lin Shuai was somewhat dissatisfied, but after more than a year, he calmed down. Lin Shuai did not like to interact with too many people.

Because Marshal Lin was forced to rest, many people felt that he was treated unfairly. Therefore, many people in the central government highly praised Marshal Lin's history.

After recuperating, Luo Shuai began to sort out some materials from his time in Jinggangshan and the Central Soviet Area. He also wrote a research report on "Li Desheng's Thought."

For Luo Shuai, this rare time of recuperation was filled with many things to do. He didn't get involved in political issues, but was very satisfied to be able to sort out the revolutionary materials from the past.

Of course, Luo Shuai used this method to make his position clear to the central government. Since he is leaving his job to recuperate, he should really rest honestly.

Marshals Lin Biao and Luo Yü, two of the Chairman's most direct military and civilian generals who had come down from Jinggangshan, and who commanded the First Red Army and the Fourth Field Army, had both quietly resigned and rested without saying anything. Seeing this, the other officers on leave had no choice but to accept it. Even those about to leave had to accept it.

There are a total of 47 candidates for Politburo members nominated by the Central Committee this time, and the original list of candidates was 48 in total.

However, Xu Shuai stated that his body was unable to bear the heavy workload and could not shoulder the heavy responsibility of the Politburo. He was only able to do simple tasks, so he voluntarily withdrew from the Politburo election.

Marshal Xu chose to withdraw because his position in the Politburo was very embarrassing.

Of the two people elected to the Politburo through a by-election, Luo Qirong quickly became the head of the Organization Department and was highly regarded by the Central Committee. However, General Xu never had a stable division of labor.

The Central Committee was also troubled by Xu. Xu represented the Fourth Front Army, and if they didn't give him a certain political status, it would be unreasonable and inconsistent with the Central Committee's spirit of unity. But the Central Committee also didn't want Xu to be in charge of the Military Commission.

Especially since the daily work of the Military Commission is already in the charge of General Peng and General He, neither of them wants another person to share responsibility for the work of the Military Commission.

Therefore, Marshal Xu's current situation is difficult to pinpoint. He has a high rank and is treated like a Politburo member. However, compared to other Politburo members, he lacks a specific, clear division of labor.

After he arrived at the Military Commission, he did not talk about his relationship with General Peng.

Compared with Mr. He. That is Tan Zheng, Yang Quanwu, Deng Guo,

Wang Zhi, Zhao Lu, and Zhang Zhongxun all had a stronger voice in the Military Commission than Marshal Xu. Because within the Military Commission, Marshal Xu's issues, like those in the Politburo, lacked a clear division of labor, and could only be handled on a temporary basis.

This embarrassed the central government and Marshal Xu himself.

Marshal Xu knew that even if he entered the Politburo, he would still be unable to change the current embarrassing situation. Marshal Xu's situation could only be addressed by the Central Military Commission, but the Central Military Commission was now increasingly dominated by senior generals.

I am a member of the Political Bureau, a marshal in the Military Commission,

Talking is of no use at all.

Therefore, Marshal Xu proposed to cross out his name when the Central Committee was drawing up the list of candidates for Politburo members before the Tenth National Congress.

At the Politburo meeting, everyone tried to persuade Xu to leave, but Xu remained firm. So at the preparatory meeting for the 10th National Congress, the Presidium of the 10th National Congress and the heads and deputy heads of the various groups discussed the matter and ultimately decided to respect Xu's opinion and remove him from the list of candidates for Politburo membership.

The reason the Central Committee delayed the meeting until the preparatory meeting for the Tenth National Congress was to make it clear to everyone that it wasn't that the Central Committee didn't want General Xu to join the Politburo. It was that General Xu himself didn't want to join the Politburo. To put it bluntly, it was all for the sake of unity. If it hadn't been for the poor handling of General Xu, when the Seventh National Congress took place, Fourth Front Army cadres would have directly questioned the Chairman, asking why General Xu was deputy commander of the 129th Division and why he had to serve as deputy to General Liu. Was the Central Committee still suppressing Fourth Front Army cadres because of the Zhang Guotao incident?

This incident caused a huge uproar, with many Fourth Front Army cadres expressing dissatisfaction. Although the Chairman later calmed the dispute, it was still a very ugly situation. So much so that, in the interest of unity, the Chairman crossed out the names of Chen Guang, who had come from Jinggangshan, and Li Jingquan, who had served as secretary of the General Political Department of the First Red Army, from the list of candidates for the Seventh National Congress's Central Committee and alternate members.

Li Jingquan accepted the result calmly, so the Chairman appreciated Li Jingquan's approach of taking the overall situation into consideration. But Chen Guang was not satisfied and wrote directly to the Chairman,

Why was my name crossed out? My revolutionary credentials and contributions are in no way unworthy of a Central Committee member. The 47-member Politburo candidate list includes former Politburo members, alternate members, ministers of central government ministries, top provincial officials, and senior military officers.

After discussion, the Politburo members were finally elected.

Among the members of the Political Bureau of the Ninth National Congress, Marshal Lin and Marshal Luo were missing, and Marshal Xu was missing from the later by-elections of Luo Qirong and Marshal Xu.

The other 18 people were all re-elected this time. In fact, this also shows that China's current political structure is relatively stable, the central politics is stable, and there are no serious political turmoil. Therefore, the election of the Politburo members,

There won't be much fluctuation.

In addition to these 18 people, the three newly added members of the Politburo are Zhou Bin, Yang Quanwu and Tan Zheng.

Once the Chairman stopped crossing out Zhou Bin's name, his election was a natural outcome. Given Zhou Bin's qualifications and his positions in the Party and government, he should have been a member of the Politburo long ago.

Of the ten officials elected as Vice Premiers of the State Council at the First National People's Congress in 1952, four were already members of the Politburo Standing Committee and five were members of the Politburo before the Ninth National Congress. Only Zhou Bin was not. It can be said that Zhou Bin's delay lasted ten years.

Thus, after the 10th National Congress, the members of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee became the Chairman, Premier, Comrade Xiuyang, Chen Yun, Marshal Nie, Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, General Peng, Peng Zhen, General He, Li Fuchun, Deng Zhihui, Chen Tanqiu, Li Xiannian, Tan Zhenlin, Deng He, General Chen, Luo Qirong, Zhou Bin, Yang Quanwu, and Tan Zheng.

At the same time, seven alternate members of the Political Bureau were elected: Zeng Shan, Li Xuefeng, Chen Boda, Tao Zhu, Zhao Zhensheng, Bo Shuchun, and Deng Guo.

After the election of Politburo members, the next step is to elect the Politburo Standing Committee members.

There was no change in the list of the Political Bureau Standing Committee members at this meeting.

However, there have been changes in the rankings and positions of the Politburo Standing Committee members.

The Chairman remained the Chairman of the Central Committee, and Wei Hongjun served as the General Secretary of the Central Committee, abolishing the original position of Vice Chairman of the Central Committee.

Compared to the Ninth National Congress, the division of labor among the Politburo Standing Committee members was more clearly defined this time. As General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, Wei Hongjun assumed full responsibility for Party affairs within the Central Committee and oversaw all Central Committee work on behalf of the Chairman.

After losing the position of Vice Chairman of the Central Committee,

Wei Hongjun's ranking among the Politburo Standing Committee members immediately rose to second place.

After the elections for the Central Committee and the Politburo, the Central Supervisory Commission was elected. Tan Zhenlin once again served as Secretary of the Central Supervisory Commission, while Huang Kecheng, Qian Ying, Wang Congwu, and Fu Zhong served as Vice Secretaries.

Wei Hongjun continued to serve as the first secretary of the Secretariat in his capacity as general secretary, and Chen Tanqiu officially served as the second secretary of the Secretariat, responsible for handling the daily work of the Secretariat.

Six people were appointed as secretaries of the Secretariat: Luo Qirong, Minister of Organization of the CPC Central Committee; Deng He, Secretary of the Cultural and Educational Work Committee; Tan Zhenlin, Secretary of the Central Supervisory Commission; Zhao Zhensheng, Deputy Secretary of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission; Chen Laozong, Secretary of the Foreign Affairs Work Committee; and Tan Zheng, Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission.

Chen Boda, director of the Policy Research Office of the CPC Central Committee, Xia Houwen, director of the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls, and Liu Xiufeng, director of the Central Organization Committee, serve as alternate secretaries of the Secretariat.

In this restructuring of the Secretariat, Liao Chengzhi, head of the United Front Work Department, will no longer serve as Secretary of the Secretariat. This is because General Secretary Chen served as Secretary of the Foreign Affairs Committee, which covered the work of the United Front Work Department.

Wang Jiaxiang, Minister of the International Liaison Department of the CPC Central Committee, Yang Shangkun, Director of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee, and Feng Wenbin, Secretary of the Communist Youth League Central Committee, have been removed from their positions as alternate secretaries of the Secretariat. Liu Xiufeng, Director of the Organization Committee, has been elected as an alternate secretary of the Secretariat.

Wang Jiaxiang's situation is the same as Liao Chengzhi's. Since General Chen himself serves as the Secretary of the Secretariat, there is no need for Wang Jiaxiang to serve as the alternate Secretary of the Secretariat.

Feng Wenbin's appointment was due to concerns among many in the Central Committee about his work, and Wei Hongjun's continued dissatisfaction with the work of the Communist Youth League Central Committee. Yang Shangkun was no longer Director of the General Office of the Central Committee.

Chen Tanqiu, Second Secretary of the Secretariat, concurrently serves as Director of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee. Li Shiping, formerly Secretary-General of the Science and Technology Commission, has been transferred to the General Office of the CPC Central Committee as Executive Deputy Director, overseeing its day-to-day work. Zhao Han, Wei Hongjun's political secretary, concurrently serves as Deputy Director of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee and Secretary of the CPC Central Committee's Party Committee.

After the election of the Secretary and Alternate Secretary of the Secretariat,

It is about the election of the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China.

The Chairman continued to serve as Chairman of the Central Military Commission, with Wei Hongjun serving as Executive Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission. General Peng, General He, Yang Quanwu, and Tan Zheng served as Vice Chairmen of the Central Military Commission.

Wei Hongjun, the Executive Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission, was officially confirmed as the second-in-command of the Central Military Commission.

Because the Chairman rarely presided over CMC meetings, the Premier used to preside over CMC meetings on his behalf. Although the Premier did not hold a position in the CMC, his role was that of Executive Vice Chairman of the CMC.

After Wei Hongjun officially assumed the position of Executive Vice Chairman, he no longer needed the Chairman's order to convene CMC meetings. However, the title of Executive Vice Chairman did not mean that Wei Hongjun would actually preside over the CMC's work. Wei Hongjun was responsible for the overall work of the Central Committee and could not actually preside over the CMC's day-to-day operations.

The daily work of the Military Commission is still carried out by General Peng, General He,

Tan Zheng, Yang Quanwu and other three people are responsible for handling it.

Yang Quanwu's appointment as Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission is related to his outstanding achievements in presiding over the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense over the years.

So this time Yang Quanwu served as Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission and was fully responsible for the national defense industry.

The members of the Military Commission Standing Committee remain unchanged, including the Chairman, Wei Hongjun, General Peng, General He, Yang Quanwu, and Tan Zheng.

Marshal Xu, Marshal Ye, and Deng Guojiu.

There have been changes in the members of the Central Military Commission. General Chen has too much work to do, so he is no longer a member of the Central Military Commission. Minister of Agriculture and Reclamation Wang Zhen replaces General Chen as a member of the Central Military Commission.

Wang Zhen's re-entry into the Military Commission was also due to the central government's consideration of the recently concluded Sino-Indian War. In order to provide supplies to the frontline troops, the Kachin Production Corps not only mobilized 100,000 disciplined logistics troops within a few days, but also organized tens of thousands of troops to ensure the safety of Kachin.

This has led the central government to pay more attention to the production and construction corps in the border areas.

Not only can it produce a lot of food, but it can also run factories.