Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji
Page 989
Running a school. Even during the war, he was not confused at all.
China and Myanmar, China and India, China and Vietnam, and China and the Soviet Union all have large numbers of production and construction corps stationed on the border. When the situation is tense, they are the country's most advanced defense.
Therefore, Wang Zhen served as a member of the Military Commission on behalf of these production and construction corps stationed on the border.
After the 10th National Congress, the Military Commission members were Su Yu, Wang Zhi, Zuo Quan, Zhao Lu, Zhang Zhongxun, Xiao Jinguang, Wang Qiuyun, Xu Guangda, Liu Yalou, and Wang Zhen. With the elections for the Central Committee, the Politburo, and the Military Commission concluded, the agenda of the 10th National Congress was essentially complete.
1134 The first meeting of the th Political Bureau
The Tenth National Congress was an important meeting in the history of the Communist Party of China, connecting the past and the future.
At the 10th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the first generation of the Chinese Communist Party's leadership formally recognized Wei Hongjun as the Party's successor. Li Desheng, the core leader of the first generation, appointed Wei Hongjun to be in charge of all central work and transferred power to him in a very peaceful manner.
China is not a small country like Nepal or Bhutan.
Rather, it was a regional power capable of influencing the entire situation in East and Southeast Asia, and even the Cold War landscape. Any change in Chinese politics was not solely a Chinese matter, so the world was watching the 10th National Conference of the Communist Party of China. After the Fifth Session of the Ninth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, every country that followed changes in Chinese politics knew that Wei Hongjun had become the successor.
However, the Fifth Session of the Ninth Central Committee did not formally confirm it.
No one dares to say that there will be no unexpected changes at the 10th CPC National Congress. Therefore, all parties are paying close attention to the 10th CPC National Congress.
The outcome was not unexpected; the 10th National Congress of the Communist Party of China was held peacefully. While the transfer of power had not yet been fully completed, the general formalities had been completed. After the 10th National Congress, Wei Hongjun officially assumed the leadership of the Central Committee as General Secretary and concurrently served as Executive Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission, effectively confirming his position as the second-in-command within the Party and its successor.
Countries in the socialist camp are analyzing the way power is transferred within the Communist Party of China.
Before China, the only model the socialist countries could follow was the Soviet Union. However, the Soviet Union's power transitions were not peaceful. Both when Stalin handed over power to Lenin and when Khrushchev handed over power to Stalin, serious political turmoil ensued.
Not to mention Khrushchev's "secret report",
That would make the transfer of power in the socialist country a mess.
China, now the second largest country in the socialist camp, has provided socialist countries with a new model of power transfer.
In a very peaceful way, he took over the power of the party, government and military from the first generation of leadership.
The Western world is also paying close attention to the 10th National Congress of the Communist Party of China. For a country of China's size, where power is being transferred, every move will impact the entire world.
Especially now that the Cold War is in full swing, many regions are even at war because of the ideology of the US-Soviet Cold War.
Wei Hongjun is not an unknown person in the Western world. On the contrary, because of his clean and neat disposal of the US military in the Korean War, Wei Hongjun has become famous in the Western world.
And when observing Wei Hongjun's history, everyone realized that Wang Qiuyun, who defeated India this time, was a general who grew up in the army with Wei Hongjun.
This has caused many countries to worry about Wei Hongjun. They are worried that Wei Hongjun has a military background and many of his direct subordinates are generals, so his future diplomacy may be tough.
The Indian National Congress and the Indian military are paying the most attention. The Chinese military, in a near-humiliating manner, has dealt a heavy lesson to the Indian defense forces. Half of the frontline commanders involved in this war were former colleagues and subordinates of Wei Hongjun. Now that Wei Hongjun has assumed power, how can the Congress Party not be nervous?
The Congress Party is currently deeply dissatisfied with the Bharatiya Janata Party. These extremists are completely incapable of common sense and have no idea of the Congress Party's predicament. They are now clamoring to abolish the Sino-Indian Border Treaty and clamoring for another war with China. If these ignorant extremists actually cause trouble in Aksai Chin and southern Tibet, or attack Chinese troops, then who will be responsible for any consequences that may arise, angering the Chinese military?
Why is the Congress Party so worried? It is because the Congress Party really cannot judge the thinking of these lunatics.
There's no way to predict what they'll do next.
However, countries like Britain and France had different ideas. They had come into contact with Wei Hongjun and had studied his political ideas long ago.
In their view, although Wei Hongjun believed in Marxism-Leninism, he was neither a utopian nor an extreme ideologue. In particular, he was a man of flexible tactics in diplomacy.
However, all judgments are based on original intelligence analysis. No one can guarantee that policies will not change after a position change.
Just like Khrushchev, when Stalin was alive, he was the first person to shout "Long live Stalin". In the process of putting Stalin on the altar, Khrushchev was definitely one of the biggest promoters. But it was also Khrushchev,
At the 20th Congress of the CPSU, he presented a "secret report" that shocked the world and began a complete refusal of Stalin's policies. When Stalin was alive, who could have known that Khrushchev would do such a thing?
There is also Brezhnev in history.
Brezhnev was a close confidant of Khrushchev, personally promoted by him. Even now that Brezhnev was Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, he continued to flatter Khrushchev daily. He even served Khrushchev tea and water with a natural air of composure.
But it's not uncommon for someone like him to join forces with others to oust Khrushchev from power. So no one can guarantee this. And who can guarantee that Wei Hongjun's current political stance and the policies he's introducing aren't intended for the first generation of CCP leaders to see?
Many people outside are talking about China's future leader Wei Hongjun, but Wei Hongjun has no time to care about these things.
Because the 10th National Congress had just ended, the new Politburo had a lot to do.
In particular, personnel adjustments in the party, government and military are a big deal.
The ten major personnel adjustments are broad in scope, involving leadership changes within key institutions. However, the specific cadre adjustments involved need to be addressed within the Politburo and the Central Military Commission.
Furthermore, Wei Hongjun's promotion is a foregone conclusion. Therefore, all parties involved must consider how to satisfy Wei Hongjun and avoid his hostility while also securing a sufficiently advantageous position for themselves in the new personnel adjustments.
Therefore, on the third day after the end of the 10th National Congress, Wei Hongjun convened the first meeting of the 10th Political Bureau.
The first topic of discussion was Wei Hongjun's position.
Wei Hongjun served as the Secretary of the Science Work Committee after the Ninth National Congress, but now Wei Hongjun has to preside over the overall work of the Central Committee, so of course it is impossible for him to continue to serve as the Secretary of the Science Work Committee.
Therefore, this Politburo meeting was to discuss the new leadership of the Science Working Committee. Wei Hongjun was the previous Secretary of the Science Working Committee and now presided over the work of the Central Committee. Therefore, everyone suggested that Wei Hongjun recommend a successor.
Wei Hongjun said in a very formal manner, "Judging from the work of the Science Working Committee over the past few years, I believe that most of its cadres are very capable and have achieved excellent results. Therefore, I suggest that it would be better to choose between Comrade Yang Quanwu and Comrade Bo Shuchun as the Secretary of the Science Working Committee."
Now, the only two people who could take over Wei Hongjun's work in the Science Working Committee were these two. After all, one of them was in charge of the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense, and the other was in charge of the State Science and Technology Commission.
Wei Hongjun was very satisfied with the work of both of them. Yang Quanwu's advantage was that although he was upright and somewhat autocratic, he was decisive in his actions, respected the opinions of intellectuals, and knew how to interact with them.
He was particularly responsible. Whenever problems arose in scientific research, he would shoulder the responsibility without causing any trouble, unless it was caused by human error, and would not harass the frontline researchers.
When disputes arose between Soviet and Chinese researchers on certain projects at the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense, Yang Quanwu listened to their opinions. He also gave the Chinese researchers greater trust when support was needed. Despite his military background, Yang Quanwu possessed a certain charisma that made researchers eager to follow him.
In this respect, Zhao Lu suffered a lot. In the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense, Zhao Lu was really busy with every detail and worked tirelessly.
But in the eyes of many researchers, he is not as attractive as Yang Quanwu. However, Zhao Lu doesn't care about these things.
Every day I have to endure Yang Quanwu's temper and cooperate with his work.
So much so that Zhao Lu himself said that if he went to see Marx earlier than Yang Quanwu, it was because he was angry with Yang Quanwu.
Bo Shuchun's advantage was his education, ability, and overall vision. Furthermore, because he came from a background in logistics and finance, he was well-versed in integrating various research units.
"I think Comrade Yang Quanwu is suitable for the position of Secretary of the Scientific Working Committee, and I am willing to cooperate with him in his work."
Before anyone started discussing, Politburo alternate member Bo Shuchun, who was attending the meeting, immediately declined.
Bo Shuchun is very self-aware.
Although Wei Hongjun recommended two people, Yang Quanwu is a member of the Political Bureau and Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission, because the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense is currently in the limelight due to its outstanding achievements.
We can't let ourselves lead Yang Quanwu, a member of the Politburo.
Seeing that Bo Shuchun declined, the appointment became much simpler.
However, Wei Hongjun admired Bo Shuchun's abilities very much, so he said, "Comrade Yang Quanwu will be the first secretary of the Science Working Committee, and Comrade Bo Shuchun will be the second secretary. What do you think?" "I think it's okay."
"agree."
After all, the Science Working Committee was built by Wei Hongjun. Even though the personnel issues there had been brought to the attention of the Politburo, no one would be so blind as to insist on placing cadres in the Science Working Committee.
There is also Bo Shuchun, who has a good relationship with Comrade Xiu Yang and Comrade Deng Xixian, and also cooperates well with Wei Hongjun in the Scientific Work Committee.
The important thing is that Bo Shuchun is only 53 years old this year and has strong capabilities. He may even become a member of the Politburo in the future. Of course, no one would object to him being the second secretary of a scientific work committee.
Then, based on the recommendations of Yang Quanwu and Bo Shuchun, the Politburo appointed Zhao Lu, Zhang Jinfu, Zhang Aiping, Qian Xuesen, and Qian Sanqiang as deputy secretaries of the Science Working Committee. Qian Sanqiang and Qian Xuesen had already joined the Party, so they were both appointed as deputy secretaries of the Science Working Committee.
Because Qian Sanqiang and Qian Xuesen were not only outstanding scientists who did specific work, but they were also strategic scientists for China. Their mission was not to conduct specific research, but to help China formulate scientific research plans.
After the personnel appointments of the Science Working Committee were completed, the issue of investment in the western region in the Third Five-Year Plan was discussed.
Surrounding the three provinces of Sichuan, Yunnan and Guizhou,
The Third Five-Year Plan had specific investment arrangements. In order to achieve overall development and effectively utilize the resources of the three provinces, the Politburo decided to establish the "Southwest Development Committee."
Although not everyone was willing, since this plan was a joint effort of Gao Gang and Sichuan, Yunnan, and Guizhou, Gao Gang naturally became the secretary of the Southwest Development Committee.
The leadership of the Southwest Development Committee consists of one secretary, two deputy secretaries, and four standing committee members.
The four standing committee members of the Politburo quickly came up with a concrete plan: the provincial Party secretaries of Sichuan, Yunnan, and Guizhou, and the commander-in-chief of the Panzhihua Steel Base.
Sichuan Provincial Party Secretary Liu Shude and Panzhihua Steel Base General Manager Lei Jiabin are confirmed. However, Yunnan Provincial Party Secretary Xie Fuzhi and Guizhou Provincial Party Secretary Zhou Lin have both completed their terms and will need to be reassigned after the 10th National Congress.
"Comrade Xie Fuzhi has been in Yunnan for many years and is familiar with the southwest region. He was also a participant in the previous southwest development plan. I believe that Comrade Xie Fuzhi is suitable for this task.
Deng Xixian didn't hesitate and directly recommended Xie Fuzhi.
Xie Fuzhi's history aside, he had a remarkable political record in Yunnan. Land reform in Yunnan, as well as the widespread drug problem in Yunnan, were all eradicated under Xie Fuzhi's leadership.
Because Xie Fuzhi had performed very well in his work in Yunnan, he became a member of the Central Committee at the Ninth National Congress.
Xie Fuzhi had been in Yunnan since early 1949, serving as the Party Secretary for twelve years. According to the Organization Department's tenure regulations, it was time for Xie Fuzhi to be transferred.
But Xie Fuzhi’s current problem is that after leaving Yunnan, he will move to another province to continue serving as the provincial party secretary.
The central government currently does not have a good position for Xie Fuzhi.
It would be better to stay in the southwest. As long as the southwestern provinces develop well during the Third Five-Year Plan, then that would be a solid political achievement. "I also believe that Comrade Xie Fuzhi is familiar with the southwest and is suitable to continue working there."
The Prime Minister also believes that Xie Fuzhi is suitable for working in the Southwest Development Committee.
No one else explicitly objected.
Although the central government has been cracking down on factionalism, the existence of factions is undeniable. The southwestern provinces were liberated by the Second Field Army, and local cadres were either from the Second Field Army or from the Jinjiluyu Military Region and the Central Plains Military Region.
Now that we are establishing the Southwest Development Committee, it's impossible for all of them to be outsiders. We definitely need to have former Second Field Army cadres. This is also a kind of balance. At present, Xie Fuzhi seems to be the most suitable person.
Not only was he a member of the Central Committee, but he had also served as Secretary of the Yunnan Provincial Party Committee for many years. Deng Xixian, the leader of the southwestern faction, supported Xie Fuzhi, and it was difficult for others to object. "Comrade Yang Chunfu, I think he is suitable for the position of Deputy Secretary. He has performed exceptionally well, especially in industrial and urban development."
When everyone has not yet fully expressed their views,
Deng Xixian recommended another person. This time, he recommended Yang Chunfu, the Party Secretary of Beijing.
As the capital, Beijing should have a high status, and the rank of Beijing Municipal Party Secretary should also be high, just like when Peng Zhen was the Beijing Municipal Party Secretary in history.
But the current situation is different. Starting from Wei Hongjun, the director of the Beijing Military Control Commission in the early days, the Beijing Municipal Party Committee Secretary went through Chen Tanqiu, Zhao Zhensheng and several others.
Yang Chunfu, currently serving as the Secretary of the Beijing Municipal Party Committee, is of a much lower rank.
Yang Chunfu also caught up with the opportunity of the great development of Jin-Cha-Ji. He first served as the Minister of Propaganda of the Zhangjiakou Military Control Commission.
Later, he served as mayor and secretary of the municipal party committee of Zhangjiakou, and secretary of the Chahar Provincial Party Committee. After liberation, he went to Beijing and later served as mayor and secretary of the municipal party committee of Beijing.
The fact that Yang Chunfu was able to hold the position of Beijing Municipal Party Committee Secretary with the status of a Central Committee member was inseparable from his origin in the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region.
Because at that time, all the central ministries and commissions, as well as the Beijing Municipal Party Committee and Municipal Government, were directly upgraded from the various agencies of the North China Bureau. Beijing can be regarded as the base of Jin-Cha-Ji.
So Yang Chunfu's work can be carried out smoothly.
Yang Chunfu has served as Secretary of the Beijing Municipal Party Committee for seven years.
After the top ten, Yang Chunfu also needs to adjust his position.
Wei Hongjun understood what Deng Xixian meant.
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