Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Chen Bo made mistakes in Guangdong this time. But the central government knew his abilities. Therefore, he was demoted several levels and, despite the disciplinary action, became deputy director of the Zhejiang Public Security Department. This was also intended to strengthen the cadre strength in Zhejiang. Yin Linping, a member of the South China Branch, a member of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee, and director of the Guangdong Provincial Department of Transportation, was also transferred by the central government.

Yin Linping is from Jiangxi.

A former cadre of the Central Red Army, Yin Linping remained in Jianxi after the Long March, engaging in guerrilla warfare alongside Tan Laoban, Zhang Dingcheng, and Deng Zhihui. He remained in Guangdong during the Anti-Japanese War, where he continued his career as a driver in Guangdong and Hong Kong. Like Fang Fang, he was a representative of the former local cadres. Taking advantage of this incident, the central government decided to transfer Yin Linping and appointed him Director of the Shaanxi Transportation Department.

Then there is Chen Kun.

Chen Kun, currently serving as deputy chief of the Guangzhou Police Department, was also implicated.

Because of Chen Kun's strong interrogation skills, he was transferred to the Northeast. He was appointed Director of the Interrogation Division of the Shenyang Public Security Bureau. Of course, these were all representative cadres of the South China Branch.

In addition to these three individuals, over 20 cadres were transferred from the South China Branch. This incident has been discussed and studied many times since then. This was the first time since the founding of the People's Republic of China that the central government dealt with the issue of localism with drastic measures. Of course, this was just the beginning.

Once Luo Qirong started to act, things wouldn't be so simple. Luo Qirong had a bad temper and couldn't tolerate any injustice. Now that he had begun to criticize the South China Branch's localism, it wouldn't end easily. Wei Hongjun was also quite worried.

Luo Qirong came from a security background, after all. The South China Branch was bound to face constant turmoil in the future.

Therefore, before Chen Tao left, Wei Hongjun had a special talk with him. Wei Hongjun was worried that after Chen Tao went to Guangdong, he would be completely clueless about the conflicts within the South China Branch and make the wrong decision. "Secretary Wei."

The North China Bureau has not yet been abolished.

In the State Council, everyone called Wei Hongjun "Deputy Director Wei." But the cadres in North China were still accustomed to calling him "Secretary Wei."

"Do you know about the South China Branch?"

I've heard some things, but I don't know the details yet." Chen Tao is just a cadre from Hebei.

There were many things he didn't fully understand. Wei Hongjun told him about the current disagreements within the South China Branch. Of course, Wei Hongjun wouldn't directly address the conflicts between the cadres who had gone south and the local cadres. That was something Chen Tao needed to understand for himself.

Chen Tao is indeed a smart man.

From Wei Hongjun's words, I could roughly guess what had happened. This wasn't Chen Tao's first day doing things.

Chen Tao had his own thoughts. He was doing well as the director of the Hebei Agricultural Department. With the support of Wei Hongjun, a powerful figure, and many familiar rural cadres, Chen Tao handled Hebei's land reform and rural affairs with ease. His life was a leisurely one.

Who could have imagined that I would be going to Guangdong soon.

Wei Hongjun said, "Chen Tao, you've been working in rural areas for ten years. I don't need to tell you how to do this; you know it well. But Guangdong is different from North China. They have their own special treatment. Currently, many leaders in the South China Branch believe that the land owned by many overseas Chinese families in Guangdong was not obtained through exploitation, but was purchased by those overseas Chinese who worked as laborers outside. Therefore, this land should not be included in land reform. What do you think?"

Chen Tao thought for a moment and said, "Secretary Wei, our land reform is aimed at overthrowing the feudal land system in rural areas and establishing a new land system. In other words, there is no causal relationship between the source of land and land reform."

"Yes." Wei Hongjun laughed.

This is the cadre I trust.

You can be flexible in your actions, but you can't trade principles. The same goes for any policy. You can be flexible in your approach, but you can't violate its fundamental principles.

Was land reform absolutely fair? Of course not.

Let's talk about the middle peasants. Unlike the large landowners, these middle peasants, including many wealthy ones, accumulated wealth and land through hard work. They didn't exploit others; many supported themselves and their families, making them self-employed farmers. Would it be fair to them to reclaim their land? They would certainly feel it was unfair.

If someone suggests that the uniqueness of such individual cases should be taken into account and that land reform should be compromised in principle, then that would be the biggest problem with land reform, because land reform is a major policy.

Wei Hongjun said, "After you arrive, don't rush into land reform just because you're under pressure. You must be brave enough to withstand the pressure and first conduct a large-scale investigation and research of rural Guangdong. Only then can you proceed with land reform." Wei Hongjun was worried that the Central South Bureau and the South China Branch would put pressure on Chen Tao after he arrived in Guangdong.

Let him carry out land reform as soon as possible.

"Yes."

Chen Tao nodded.

Wei Hongjun continued, "Also, after you go there, don't push all the local cadres out. You have experienced the land reform in North China, and you must understand that if outside cadres completely leave the local cadres behind, they will not be able to do their job well. Especially in Guangdong, language communication is not easy. Without local cadres, you won't even be able to communicate with the local people in a short period of time. So you must learn to unite the local cadres. You must also learn to seize the initiative everywhere. After formulating the main reform plan, mobilize the vast number of farmers in Guangdong to participate in the land reform, and also let local cadres participate in the land reform. The enthusiasm of the farmers will make the policy too left-wing, and the local cadres' land reform will be too right-wing. At this time, you are needed. The Land Reform Working Committee must appear in the role of mediation and supervision to ensure that the land reform is neither left nor right and proceeds smoothly.

"I will remember."

"In rural Guangdong, besides land, many overseas Chinese families own a large amount of property and houses. This is also difficult to deal with. After all, I'm not in Guangdong, so I don't know the specific situation. When you go there, don't just believe what others say. You need to see it yourself. Although communication is a big issue, you must go and investigate it yourself. Look at the houses of overseas Chinese families and see which ones were bought with money earned outside and which ones were bought through exploitation. Our land reform is a change in the means of production in the countryside. Land, cattle, and farm tools are all means of production. But how to deal with rural houses is something you need to decide for yourself."

"Secretary, don't worry."

"I've been a bit long-winded."

"No."

Wei Hongjun also felt that he was worrying too much.

But this isn't Wei Hongjun's fault. The Eighth Column's rise was rapid, leaving many of its officers relatively young and inexperienced. Take Chen Tao, for example. He joined the Eighth Route Army in 38, in his twenties. Now, a decade later, he's only in his thirties.

But I have to work in such a complicated situation in the South China Branch.

"Chen Tao, you're going to Guangdong soon. I have something to say to you: Never forget your original aspiration."

"Don't forget your original intention?"

"You are now a senior Party and government official, but don't forget our Party's fine work style just because you've reached a high position. This is especially true of investigation and research and following the people's line. You must always remember that only by focusing on investigation and research and following the people's line can we avoid mistakes as much as possible. So, after arriving in Guangdong, don't rush for quick results. Only after thorough investigation and research can you advance your work."

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun patted Chen Tao on the shoulder and said, "Take care of your health over there, and be careful about your words and actions. Focus all your energy on land reform, and don't express your opinions on other matters."

Chapter 771 Be Prepared

The new China had just been founded, so there were many meetings.

The Central People's Government alone convened nine meetings. The first five were devoted to personnel arrangements within the various central ministries and commissions, and the last four to discuss the Central People's Government's future policies. As for the meetings of the State Council, various committees, and various ministries and commissions, the number was countless.

In Wei Hongjun's position, meetings filled his days. Not only did he have to attend these meetings, but he also had a lot of work to do with the North China Military Region. While Tang Jie and Li Zhimin helped with North China Military Region work, there was still a lot of work that required him to sign up for the scholarship.

The little time left every day besides meetings is spent on reading reports, so there are many cases where I cannot go home for several days.

Less than twenty days after the founding ceremony, Chairman Mao had already begun preparations for his visit to the Soviet Union, and the Soviet Union had already agreed to his visit. It might sound unpleasant, but for the newly established People's Republic of China, the Soviet Union's importance cannot be overstated. China's most important diplomatic priority was to maintain its ties with the Soviet Union. Even today, China's political, military, and economic development are inseparable from the Soviet Union.

Therefore, before the founding ceremony, the Central Committee had already begun discussing the Chairman’s visit to the Soviet Union with the Soviet Union.

Comrade Wu Hao's visit to the Soviet Union last year was a high-profile one. Not only did Wang Jiaxiang, Huang Jing, and others accompany him, but Marshal Ye from the military also went. They were all high-ranking officials.

But no matter what, they cannot compare to the chairman's weight.

Stalin also longed for a face-to-face negotiation with the Chairman. Tensions in Europe were growing, and the United States, along with its allies, had been engaged in military negotiations. The United States and its allies wanted to form a military alliance to counter the socialist camp led by the Soviet Union. Although the Soviet Union responded tit-for-tat, Stalin still felt the pressure.

At this time, the Soviet Union needed the support of a stronger ally. And this ally could only be China. Because in the current socialist camp, China was the only truly great power. So when the People's Republic of China was founded, although Stalin was somewhat worried that China would slip away from his control, he was also very happy.

After all, as an ally, a major power like China offered incredible support to the global CCP movement. However, Stalin had never met Chairman Mao and was unfamiliar with him. Stalin needed face-to-face negotiations with Chairman Mao to achieve a strategic consensus between the Chinese and Soviet leaders, so he warmly welcomed Chairman Mao's visit to the Soviet Union.

Chairman Mao himself was very much looking forward to this visit to the Soviet Union. There were many important matters to discuss. The Dalian-Lushun and China-Changchun Railways needed to be renegotiated. Loans and trade also needed to be negotiated. Of course, more importantly, China needed economic development and industrial development. Although Comrade Wu Hao had already reached several agreements on loans and industrial development during his visit to the Soviet Union, these agreements were only a small part of the industrial development China needed. Therefore, Chairman Mao's personal visit was necessary for greater cooperation.

Before going to the Soviet Union, the Chairman also held meetings frequently.

This time a Politburo meeting was held.

Of the 14 Politburo members, Gao Gang and Zhang Wentian were in Northeast China, Kang Sheng was in Shandong, and Peng Dehua was in Northwest China. Therefore, a total of 10 Politburo members attended this Politburo meeting. Central Committee members Wei Hongjun, Bo Shuchun, and Zhou Bin, all important officials in the State Council, also attended the meeting.

Central Committee meetings these days aren't sudden surprises. Before a meeting, the agenda is handed to the participating cadres, giving them time to consider it. Then, the meeting is convened to allow everyone to speak freely. The Chairman convened a Politburo meeting this time with two main topics.

One was the report submitted by Wei Hongjun through Marshal Nie, and the other was the proposal for "separation of party and government" that was currently gaining popularity in the central government. Many members of the Politburo opposed Wei Hongjun's report.

Following Marshal Nie's instructions, Wei Hongjun wrote a more detailed report. The entire report revolved around the future dynamics of East and Southeast Asia amidst the US-Soviet Cold War, with a particular focus on the Korean Peninsula. Those who have reached this point are all exceptionally intelligent individuals.

What Wei Hongjun wrote is already very clear.

Problems on the Korean Peninsula are bound to arise, and China must be prepared. Wei Hongjun's message was simple: if the situation on the Korean Peninsula becomes unfavorable to China, China should decisively send troops. This caused many Politburo members to disagree.

Although everyone supported the central government's tough stance during the Qingdao conflict, showing toughness on Chinese soil and actually sending troops to fight the United States over the Korean Peninsula issue are two completely different things. Therefore, many people opposed Wei Hongjun's proposal on financial grounds.

No one, including the Commander-in-Chief, gave a direct affirmative answer. Wei Hongjun was quite disappointed. No wonder during the Korean War, no one in the entire Central Committee supported the Chairman.

It's not that time yet.

Wei Hongjun only stated one possibility, but the situation is like this.

Marshal Nie, seeing this situation, could only speak: "Chairman, comrades, proceeding according to this report will not increase military expenditures, nor will it put pressure on the treasury." Following the Chairman's directive on the People's Liberation Army's participation in production and construction, issued in the name of the Military Commission, many troops have begun to build houses and cultivate farmland in local areas, seeking to find some funding themselves. The North China Military Region submitted a report to the Military Commission proposing the establishment of 1 state-owned clothing factories in Suiyuan and Inner Mongolia, where they would gradually relocate some of the North China Military Region's troops to form a Production and Construction Corps. This would allow these troops to become self-sufficient and supplement the treasury. Once the war against bandits ends, more troops will be invested in production and construction, and military expenditures will continue to decline.

Marshal Nie actually presided over the work of the Military Commission.

So I have a better understanding of the current situation of the military.

After the Yangtze River Crossing Campaign, the various field armies "scrambled for territory" and "incorporated troops to expand their influence." The size of the troops continued to expand, leading to a sharp increase in military expenditures. However, as the Military Commission began to stop this behavior, everyone has now restrained themselves a lot. In addition, in order to reduce military expenditures, the Chairman and the Military Commission decided to allow the People's Liberation Army to participate in production and construction.

The North China Military Region responded the fastest.

Of course, this was also due to the foundation laid by Wei Hongjun. Wei Hongjun forcefully pushed for land reform in Suiyuan and Inner Mongolia, completely ignoring the fact that these areas were ethnic autonomous regions. He confiscated all grasslands and lands owned by Mongolian nobles and large landowners. Besides grassland, lotus fields in Suiyuan and Inner Mongolia were scarce, having been poorly cultivated over the years. Even due to the war, much of the arable land in the Bingmengshe region was abandoned.

As land reform was carried out in Inner Mongolia, a lot of arable land became available.

Wei Hongjun decided to form a production corps here. Currently, the North China Military Region and the Fifth Field Army had too many troops, and reductions were necessary. Wei Hongjun submitted a report to the Military Commission on behalf of the North China Military Region, proposing to form a five-division production corps. This would involve water conservancy projects, farmland development, and the establishment of state-owned farms.

Therefore, military spending will continue to decline in the future.

"From a military perspective, being prepared is always the best thing to do. We can't guarantee that problems will arise on the Korean Peninsula. However, if problems do arise on the Korean Peninsula, we must have sufficient troops in Northeast China and North China to deal with such emergencies. Therefore, I support Comrade Wei Honghun's proposal to form several armies in Northeast China and North China with Soviet and American weapons. It's just a few armies and it won't affect other military affairs."

Marshal Nie was also worried about China sending troops if problems arose on the Korean Peninsula in the future.

After all, we have to face the United States.

Or perhaps, deep down, Marshal Nie didn't quite agree with Wei Hongjun's idea of ​​sending troops to Korea. However, despite disagreeing, Marshal Nie was very supportive of Wei Hongjun's idea of ​​being prepared for any eventuality.

Whether or not to send troops, it is better to be prepared than not to be prepared. This is what Marshal Nie has learned from his many years of military career.

Wei Hongjun thanked Marshal Nie for his support.

Wei Hongjun could sense Marshal Nie's doubts and opposition to sending troops to Korea. Yet, at this moment, he still spoke in support, lending his support. Ren Peiguo, who had been silent up to this point, said, "Comrade Rong Zhen is right. Military spending is currently high because we're still at war, and our forces are massive. Furthermore, the PLA is currently establishing naval, air, air defense, and armored forces. However, since the war has ended in most of the country and people are shifting to direct warfare, military spending will naturally decrease. Even the formation of Soviet-era and American-equipped units won't affect this trend."

"Besides, the world situation is not stable. We haven't reached the point of letting our horses run wild yet. It is extremely necessary for the Military Commission to have a strong mobile force. Since we have already purchased a lot of military weapons from the Soviet Union, of course we need to use them. It would be better to form a complete Soviet-equipped force than to disperse them.

Ren Peiguo is in poor health.

Therefore, there are regulations on daily working hours.

He currently works no more than six hours a day and only attends important meetings. Even so, Ren Peiguo's voice carries weight. "I think the same thing."

The Chairman spoke at this time and said: "It is right to be prepared. Moreover, we don't have much Soviet and American equipment. If we use them scattered, it will be almost useless. If we concentrate them, we can form Soviet-equipped departments for several armies."

The US-equipped units of the corps and several armies. Once military units are fully adapted to Soviet and US weaponry, their combat effectiveness will be greatly improved. We should use this opportunity to make our troops more adaptable to modern forces and prepare for future regularization.

The Chairman still has an impression of the National Army’s American-equipped troops.

The US-equipped units of the Nationalist Army were quite powerful in the early days of the Liberation War, relying on their superior weapons and equipment. Now the People's Liberation Army also has a chance.

Form your own Soviet-equipped and American-equipped troops.

He continued, "As for the issue of the Korean Peninsula? This time I go to the Soviet Union, it's a good opportunity to discuss the issue with Comrade Stalin. Let's see what Comrade Stalin thinks." "Although the Chairman remained calm, he attached great importance to Wei Hongjun's report.

I read Wei Hongjun's report several times in the evening.

Then he began to speculate on the future of East Asia. The more he speculated, the more worried the Chairman became. He truly desired peace, especially to leave at least ten years of peace for a reborn China. He was confident.

If only New China were given ten years of peace, many of its current problems could be resolved. Furthermore, after ten years of peaceful development, China would no longer have to fear the threat of imperialism. However, after analyzing the situation in East Asia, the Chairman was deeply concerned.

Because the Chairman also believed that the situation on the Korean Peninsula was very serious. Furthermore, China was not in a position to say anything about the Korean Peninsula issue. When the PLA was fighting in Northeast China, North Korea had provided a large amount of weapons, ammunition, and medicine. The Workers' Party of Korea wanted to unify the Korean Peninsula, and China was not in a position to oppose it.