Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Why, after China won the War of Liberation, shouldn't the Korean Peninsula be allowed to launch its own war of liberation? The Chairman also considered the Soviet Union's perspective. From the Soviet perspective, a war on the Korean Peninsula would not be bad for them. But the problem was left to China.

What if a problem arises on the Korean Peninsula? Others can see it, and certainly the Chairman can see it too. The message of Wei Hongjun's report is clear. Prepare now for any eventuality, so that if a problem arises on the Korean Peninsula, troops can be deployed. The Chairman is also worried.

If we really go to the Korean Peninsula and fight with the Americans, it will not be a good thing for New China. But the Chairman understands one thing.

Since ancient times, the Korean Peninsula has served as a barrier for China. Whether it was the Ming or Qing dynasty, troops were dispatched whenever there was trouble on the Korean Peninsula. Today, the Korean Peninsula is even more important to China because Northeast China is now more important than during the Ming and Qing dynasties.

The Chairman remained silent, simply trying to gauge the attitudes of the other central leaders. Fortunately, there was no real need to discuss whether to send troops or not. The discussion was simply about forming an American-equipped army and a Soviet-equipped army. The Chairman had essentially set the tone.

Although there were some objections, there were no major problems after the Chairman set the tone.

The final decision was to form four armies of Soviet-sugar troops and three armies of American-equipped troops. The Soviet-equipped troops were not a problem, as the Soviet Union had already reached an agreement with China. Soviet equipment would soon enter China. Furthermore, the cooperation agreement between China and the Soviet Union provided for 20 divisions of Soviet-equipped troops.

Therefore, for some time to come, Soviet-equipped troops will not be lacking, but American-equipped troops will have problems.

Although the PLA had captured a significant amount of American weapons, they were not concentrated in a centralized location. Instead, they were scattered throughout the various field armies. To form three armies equipped with American weapons, they would need to draw American equipment from across the entire army. Furthermore, the ammunition for these American weapons would need to be recounted.

The Central Committee decided that Marshal Nie and Marshal Xu would be fully responsible for this matter.

After solving the first problem, the next issue to be discussed was the "separation of party and government."

We are no longer in the war years, and we do not need the unified leadership of those times. Especially since the establishment of the Central People's Government, we must understand one thing even more clearly: the Party is the Party, and the government is the government. We should not, as in the past, issue administrative orders in the name of the Party. Government affairs should be the responsibility of the government. The government should discuss and issue orders. There is no need for the Party to interfere in government affairs.

Chapter 772 Party-Government Relations

When the second topic came up, Premier Wu Hao was the first to speak. This was actually quite rare.

Twenty years ago, some in the Central Committee criticized Comrade Wu Hao for his "conciliatory" approach. This was because Comrade Wu Hao rarely spoke out at Central Committee meetings. His greatest strength was mediating conflicts and contradictions among comrades, preventing them from erupting. He was able to calm the emotions of cadres from all walks of life, preventing them from falling out.

That is why we say that with Comrade Wu Hao, the Party's work will not come to a standstill and the Party will not split. But this time, Comrade Wu Hao was the first to speak, and he expressed his views so clearly.

Comrade Wu Hao is currently the main figure within the Party who supports the separation of Party and government. This Politburo meeting focused on this very issue. How should the relationship between the Party and the government be handled? Comrade Wu Hao's opinion was very clear.

The Party manages Party affairs, and the government manages government affairs. The Party and the government are different.

During the war years, local central bureaus were established to oversee all aspects of the war effort and base area construction. The head of the local central bureau was the head of the Party, government, and military for the entire base area, exercising unified leadership. In other words, the Party controlled everything.

There was actually a similar debate about this twenty years ago, concerning the relationship between the Party and the military.

This dispute arose within the Red Fourth Army, a conflict between its Front Committee and the Military Commission. Ultimately, the Chairman lost the election for Secretary of the Front Committee and left his leadership position. This issue wasn't resolved until the Gutian Conference. Of course, there were numerous conflicts within the Red Fourth Army at the time.

For example, there were questions about extreme democratization and a purely military approach. However, the direct cause of internal conflict within the Red Fourth Army was the relationship between the Party and the army. The cadres of the Red Fourth Army, led by the Commander-in-Chief, believed that the Party was the Party, the army was the army, and the Party's role in guiding the army was not leadership. They believed that the Party could not take charge of all tasks, and criticized the Chairman for his "paternalistic" style.

This is a purely military line issue, but it also takes into account the relationship between the Party and the military.

At the time, many military officials believed that fighting was the army's responsibility, and that they, the military commanders, could handle it. However, the principles for building the military established by Chairman Mao stipulated that the Party led the army, and that the political commissars held a higher status than the military commanders. This led many military commanders to oppose Chairman Mao's principles for building the army.

During the most difficult times, only a few, such as Marshal Lin and Zeng Zhi, supported the movement. It was during this time that Chairman Mao visited Yanxi and had a cordial conversation with Deng Zhihui and others. It was also during this time that cadres in western Fujian came into close contact with Chairman Mao, and later generally supported his position. The current situation is quite similar.

In the immediate aftermath of the founding of the People's Republic of China, the central leadership began to consider the relationship between the Party and the government. During the war years, the Party controlled virtually everything, but what should be done now? The Propaganda Department had already begun discussing this issue. Just as with the relationship between the Party and the military, a new debate was sure to ensue.

"I agree with Comrade Wu Hao's opinion."

Vice Premier Dong Biwu spoke.

He said, "Currently, many people outside the Party are worried that our Party will follow the Chiang Kai-shek clique and implement a one-party state. We overthrew the reactionary rule of the Chiang Kai-shek clique precisely to overthrow the Chiang Kai-shek clique's one-party state. We cannot implement a one-party state ourselves. If we want to avoid this from happening, we must separate the Party and the government. The government should handle its own affairs. The Party should only focus on its internal affairs. Only in this way can those outside the Party feel at ease."

If the party and government are separated, the happiest people should be the cadres of the State Council.

After all, the State Council is currently China's highest administrative body.

The government refers to the State Council.

But the separation of Party and government is a sensitive topic. After all, everyone is used to the Party managing everything, and suddenly demanding separation is a bit awkward. Wei Hongjun is quite surprised.

Wei Hongjun knew that struggles on all sides were intense in the early days of the People's Republic of China. Because the revolution had just succeeded, no one had any experience in how to build and develop a new socialist China. Therefore, it was normal for there to be a variety of different ideas. These were all perfectly normal disagreements within the Party.

Just like when Marshal Yeh initially disagreed with the Central Committee on the issue of local protectionism in the South China Branch, and later on Deng Zhihui on rural issues, these disagreements were merely differences of opinion. Criticism should be made, and self-examination should be conducted, but the necessary work must be done. A disagreement over opinion does not necessarily lead to a complete overthrow of someone.

Unfortunately, this disagreement and debate, when confronted by the bold and unyielding Gao Gang and the politically adept Rao Shushi, ignited a fierce struggle within the Party. Wei Hongjun hadn't anticipated that, less than a month after the founding ceremony, such a sensitive issue would already be discussed at the Party's Politburo meeting.

Wei Hongjun had actually heard some gossip before. What secrets could the State Council have?

Even if there were any secrets, they couldn't be hidden from Wei Hongjun's ears. After all, the State Council was staffed by North China cadres. If there was any movement in the State Council, Wei Hongjun didn't need to inquire about it himself; the news would reach him.

Some democratic figures working in the State Council have complained that there are too many CCP cadres within the Central People's Government, including within the People's Revolutionary Military Commission and the State Council. According to the Double Tenth Agreement, negotiated and signed between Chairman Mao and Chiang Kai-shek, democratic parties will have a seat at the CPPCC and in the newly formed coalition government. And quite a few.

But what about now? Although there are positions, they are much fewer than they expected. Moreover, the important positions are all held by people from the CCP, and the real power is in the hands of the CCP. Look at the cadres of the CCP, most of them are from peasant backgrounds. These peasants have no education and no culture. They are all from the military, and they only know how to fight. They are so rough that they don’t know how to govern the country. But these people are in high positions, which makes these people with rich knowledge and experience feel inferior. This is the reason why some people complain. They believe that the new China has become a t, and the governance of the country should be left to people like them. So much so that some of them directly said that after the CCP overthrew Chiang Kai-shek, it would also establish a "party-state."

Wei Hongjun had heard all of this.

Among these people, two groups were the most powerful. One was the frustrated warlords and generals of the Kuomintang, who, having lost their armies and power, banded together for support. The other was the renowned intellectuals, primarily represented by the Democratic League.

They are incapable.

Wei Hongjun didn't care about them, nor was he afraid of them.

But the words became more and more unpleasant, which made Wei Hongjun a little angry.

But Wei Hongjun initially struggled to understand some of the State Council's recent practices. Many of its policies were issued without going through the Party Central Committee. Instead, the Council discussed and decided on them on its own, then issued the documents directly under its name. Wei Hongjun hadn't noticed anything was wrong.

But now, after listening to what Comrade Wu Hao and Comrade Dong Biwu had said, Wei Hongjun began to understand what they meant. Comrade Wu Hao was openly declaring his support for "separation of Party and government," and Comrade Dong Biwu also supported this.

Both of them were members of the Politburo, Dong Biwu was the Party's top representative, and Comrade Wu Hao was Premier of the State Council. Their positions within the Party were very high, and their influence was considerable. "Separation of Party and government" was certainly not a bad thing.

When Wei Hongjun received the meeting agenda, he also considered some things about "separation of party and government." But Wei Hongjun was thinking about how to coordinate the relationship between the party and the government so that the party and the government could establish a new relationship that could adapt to the new situation rather than this artificial "separation of party and government" that directly tears apart the relationship between the party and the government.

The "separation of Party and government" advocated by Comrade Wu Hao and Comrade Dong Biwu practically meant the independence of the State Council. They even suggested that the Party no longer oversee the State Council, but rather its own internal affairs. Isn't this "splittism" within the Party? It's no wonder that Gao Gang, upon arriving at the Central Committee, received such trust from the Chairman that eight important ministries and commissions from the State Council were directly assigned to the State Planning Commission.

At the beginning of the liberation, there was not only local separatism derived from localism in the local areas, but also "separatism" within the central government.

Of course, this doesn't mean that Comrade Wu Hao and Comrade Dong Biwu's ideas are wrong. There must be a distinction between the Party and the government, but this shouldn't be a simple matter, much less something that can be resolved so quickly. After Comrade Wu Hao and Comrade Dong Biwu finished their remarks, many people began to discuss the matter.

"Chairman, leaders, I want to speak."

Wei Hongjun was attending the meeting.

At the Politburo meeting, Wei Hongjun, as a member of the Central Committee, had only the right to speak, not the right to vote. "Comrade Hongjun, go ahead. At party meetings, everyone is free to speak their mind."

The Chairman saw Wei Hongjun nodded.

The Chairman likes meetings when everyone speaks up. He's not afraid of problems or conflicts; he brings them to the table for discussion. No matter how heated the discussion, it's a good thing. What the Chairman disapproves of most is silence during meetings and private collusion. This violates the Party's organizational principles.

Wei Hongjun stood up and said, "There needs to be a distinction between the Party and the government. Government matters, in particular, should no longer be issued in the name of the Party. However, I believe the distinction between the Party and the government cannot be a separate one for each camp. Artificially dividing the Party and the government is inconsistent with objective reality and divorced from reality."

Although the supporters of this proposal are Comrade Wu Hao and Comrade Dong Biwu, both of whom are top figures in the party.

But since it was a high-level party meeting, Wei Hongjun also had to express his views.

This isn't a factional fight or a power struggle; it's a disagreement on policy. "How does it not align with objective reality?"

The chairman was very interested.

While the Chairman supported the separation of Party and government, it wasn't the separation Comrade Wu Hao advocated. However, with the People's Republic of China newly established, the Chairman's prestige was at its peak. However, precisely because of this, the Chairman was reluctant to express his views on many issues. If it were during the Red Army era twenty years ago, the Chairman would have also been prone to temper and impatience.

That can be completely ignored.

But things are different now. After so many years of training, the Chairman has matured considerably. If this issue had led to a serious disagreement between the Chairman and Comrades Wu Hao and Dong Biwu, it would have been detrimental to New China. Therefore, regarding the "separation of Party and government," the Chairman remains cautious.

Now, suddenly hearing Wei Hongjun's clear opposition, the Chairman was still very interested.

New China has just been established, and much remains to be done. The entire country has not yet been fully liberated. Next, we must march into Tibet and liberate Taiwan and Hainan Island. Furthermore, across the south, there are still two to three million armed militias and bandits, whom we must eliminate. Meanwhile, the newly liberated areas are undergoing land reform and economic recovery, each of which is a major undertaking. At this time, we need centralization of power to coordinate national affairs. If we separate the Party and the government at this time, severing the relationship between the Party and the government, it will result in multiple orders being issued and our strength will be dispersed. This will be detrimental to the coordination of these tasks."

"Comrade Wei Hongjun, you must understand that the party is the party and the government is the government. If we do not separate the party and the government, it will become the party-state of Chiang Kai-shek that we overthrew." Dong Biwu disagreed with Wei Hongjun's opinion.

Wei Hongjun shook his head.

Dong Biwu was too close to those pro-democracy figures and too concerned with their opinions. So Wei Hongjun bluntly stated, "The Chiang Kai-shek clique is nothing if not a party-state. It's at most a family empire. And while I agree that there should be a distinction between party and government, under the current circumstances, a complete separation of party and government is impossible."

"Then how do you think the party and the government should be distinguished?" the chairman asked Wei Hongjun with interest.

Wei Hongjun said, "Chairman, I believe the difference between the Party and the government lies in the Party's responsibility to formulate broad policies, while the government's responsibility to implement them. Let me take the Hebei Provincial Party Committee as an example. If Hebei wants to invest heavily in building a highway, the process should be to fully consult with all parties and then finalize the matter at a meeting of the Provincial Party Committee Standing Committee. As for the specific construction, the government is responsible for implementation, and the Provincial Party Committee is responsible for oversight. This is democratic centralism. The Party simply refrains from interfering in the specific work of the government, not that the Party only manages itself and not the government. Our local governments should implement a system of divided responsibility and accountability within the Party Committee's collective responsibility system, rather than an artificial dichotomy where the Party is the Party and the government is the government. The Party should respect the government, respect the division of labor among cadres, and not arbitrarily interfere in their work. However, the government must also accept the Party's leadership and oversight."

"Isn't this still the case of the party and the government being mixed together, with the party-state ruling the world?" Dong Biwu objected again.

"Vice Premier Dong, the separation of Party and government is necessary, but we cannot ignore the reality of the situation. At this stage, the principal contradiction in our country is still the contradiction between the masses, led by the proletariat, and imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism. Therefore, China is still in the stage of the New Democratic Revolution and cannot deviate from the general line of the New Democratic Revolution. Our work at this time cannot be separated from the leadership of the Party. We cannot deviate from the general line or forget the principal contradiction because of various voices."

Wei Hongjun did not want to give in on this issue.

Separation of party and government?

How to separate the party and the government at this stage?

If the separation of party and government were to truly begin, it would be a deliberate attempt to create conflict between the Party Central Committee and the government. If this conflict were to become public, it would lead to a split within the party and cause political unrest. "I think what Comrade Wei Hongjun said makes sense."

Comrade Xiuyang spoke.

Dao: During the New Democratic Revolution, we must adhere to the general line of the New Democratic Revolution. Party leadership should not be weakened, but rather strengthened. The cadre division of labor and responsibility system, under the collective responsibility system of the Party committee, previously promoted by the North China Bureau in North China, was a very good exploration of the relationship between the Party and the government. We should gradually explore the relationship between the Party and the government, rather than adopting a one-size-fits-all approach and completely separating them. This does not conform to reality.

Comrade Xiuyang ranks third in the Party and is actually in charge of the Party’s daily work.

What he said carried a lot of weight.

The Chairman finally breathed a sigh of relief. The relationship between the Party and the government needed to be explored through practice. But Comrades Wu Hao and Dong Biwu were overly concerned with the opinions of the democratic parties. From the outset, they wanted to quickly separate the Party and the government. They even brought the issue to a Politburo meeting.

This is something the Chairman is not satisfied with.

Fortunately, Wei Hongjun stepped forward and took the lead. Now that Comrade Xiuyang has stepped forward, things are much easier.

"I also believe that the current call for a separation of party and government is unrealistic. Take our Organization Department, for example. It currently serves as a Party committee and is also responsible for cadre placement within government departments. Under these circumstances, forcing a separation of party and government presents numerous problems. We must consider history and exercise caution in the relationship between the party and government, avoiding impulsive actions."

Peng Zhen spoke.

The situation was clear by now in the meeting.

Most cadres disagree with the "separation of party and government." But that's understandable, considering we all fought for the country. After conquering the country, you say "separation of party and government," and don't let the party participate in government work. What does this mean? Many people are deeply dissatisfied with the democratic parties' blatant attempt to divide up power. Where were you when we were bloodshed and sacrificed in the revolution? Now, using the so-called "Party-State Heaven" to constrain the party and try to take government power away from the party, how can these cadres be happy? Even in their hearts, they are dissatisfied with Comrade Wu Hao and Comrade Dong Biwu.

Finally, Comrade Xiuyang proposed that Party members of the Central People's Government Council, the People's Revolutionary Military Commission, and the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference be directly under the leadership of the Politburo. Party groups should also be established in the other administrative organs, the Supreme People's Court, and the Supreme People's Procuratorate. Comrade Wu Hao would serve as Secretary of the Administrative Council Party Group, with Chen Yun as First Deputy Secretary, Nie Shuai as Second Deputy Secretary, Dong Biwu as Third Deputy Secretary, and Wei Hongjun as Fourth Deputy Secretary.

This can be regarded as a temporary solution to the issue of "separation of party and government".

However, this conference did not actually resolve the issue of "separation of party and government." This was because the relationship between the party and government had not yet been truly resolved theoretically or policy-wise. It could only be considered a temporary sustenance of the issue.

Chapter 773 Military Commission Adjustment

After the meeting, Dong Biwu also discussed the issue of "separation of party and government" with Wei Hongjun in private.

Wei Hongjun had already raised objections at the Politburo's public meetings, let alone in private. He bluntly told Dong Biwu that "separation of party and government" was completely impossible at this stage and out of touch with reality. It was an artificial attempt to create separate leadership structures.

Party and government.

When there are too many orders, whose orders should we obey? The Party or the government? Multiple orders are unacceptable.

China cannot afford chaos today, especially in terms of command. Now is the time to centralize power and coordinate national affairs. Therefore, Wei Hongjun firmly opposed the "separation of party and government." The Premier, however, did not insist on his suggestion.

The Premier and Dong Biwu failed to convince Wei Hongjun, and Wei Hongjun knew he couldn't convince them either. However, the State Council established a Party group.

Wei Hongjun, as the fourth deputy secretary of the State Council, has reached the fifth highest position within the Party within the State Council. Unlike local Party committees, the State Council does not have a Party committee, so the Party group is the leading body of the Party within the State Council. After the Politburo meeting, Wei Hongjun once again participated in the work of the State Council.