Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

We now have a considerable amount of American weapons. We can concentrate some of these weapons to form several armies equipped with American weapons. We can also gather the weapons and ammunition needed for these American-equipped units."

"We must also strengthen our intelligence work on the US military. The US military is definitely not the US-equipped troops of the Nationalist Army. We cannot underestimate them. We should organize several armies of Soviet-equipped and US-equipped troops, preferably in Northeast China or North China. This way, if there is any problem on the Korean Peninsula, the troops can be quickly prepared."

Wei Hongjun's suggestion was to build ten powerful armies, primarily equipped with Soviet and American weapons, and to station the troops in Northeast China and North China.

Can respond quickly.

"Red Army, this is not a small matter."

"Now that we have reached an agreement with the Soviet army, how to dispose of these Soviet weapons is a very important issue. My suggestion is not to disperse these weapons just to take care of all parties. If they are dispersed, they will be useless. We need to concentrate these weapons and form an elite force. Our commanders must be familiar with these Soviet weapons, and our soldiers also need to be familiar with them."

The last time Ye Jianying went to the Soviet Union on behalf of the Military Commission, he negotiated with the Soviet army.

Not only did they reach an agreement on cooperation in the navy, air force, air defense forces, and armored forces, but they also agreed to purchase a batch of Soviet-made weapons from the Soviet Union at a low price. The agreement covered the equipment for 20 divisions, but the repayment process had not yet been finalized.

With the founding of the People's Republic of China, China had more and more things to repay the debt. Therefore, the final repayment issue had been resolved. The Soviet Union would soon send a large number of military advisors to China to help equip the Chinese army with Soviet weapons and train these Soviet-equipped troops.

It was at this critical juncture that Wei Hongjun wrote this report.

Marshal Nie didn't respond, but reread Wei Hongjun's report. After carefully rereading it, Marshal Nie had a new understanding. It appeared to be a proposal for the use of Soviet and American equipment to form elite units. But in reality, it was a comprehensive assessment of the future situation in East Asia.

Compared to military advice, Marshal Nie understood that this was more important. This was the essence of the report.

This is similar to the general strategy of "independent mountain guerrilla warfare" proposed by Chairman Mao during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. Once the overall strategy is established, much of the subsequent work can be centered around it. If Wei Hongjun's assessment of the future situation in East Asia is recognized by the Central Committee, then much of the Central Committee's subsequent work will revolve around it.

The so-called formation of some elite troops is simply a small matter.

Marshal Nie closed the report and looked at Wei Hongjun again. Wei Hongjun had grown to this point. Marshal Nie thought for a moment and said, "You know that some leaders in the Central Committee are opposed to purchasing so much army weapons from the Soviet Union. They believe that it is unnecessary to spend money on this at this stage." "I know."

Wei Hongjun nodded.

The PLA is now overcrowded, putting financial pressure on the central government. Therefore, when Wei Hongjun first proposed purchasing a batch of used Soviet equipment, some opposed it. They argued that the Liberation War was almost over, and there was no need to spend money on weapons and equipment. "But this is the path we must take. If our surrounding areas were stable, we could slowly pursue national defense independence. But I don't think we have that much time. War will inevitably break out on the Korean Peninsula within three years."

"Three years?"

Marshal Nie didn't ask how Wei Hongjun made his judgment, because Marshal Nie could roughly make the judgment himself.

Marshal Nie nodded and said, "Please write a more detailed report, especially regarding the situation in the Far East after the Cold War between the US and the Soviet Union. Then we will submit the report to the Chairman. This matter cannot be decided by the Military Commission, but still needs to be decided by the Secretariat." "Yes."

"What are your thoughts on liberating Taiwan?"

Chapter 769 Taiwan Strategy

"Taiwan?"

Wei Hongjun said directly: "We should be fast in strategy and slow in tactics." Although Wei Hongjun is a member of the Central Military Commission.

But there is no division of labor in the Military Commission.

This is similar to the historical practice of awarding military ranks. Some people argued that Marshal Chen should not have been awarded a rank because his work had completely shifted to the local level. In reality, Marshal Chen still held military positions at the time: Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission and Vice Chairman of the National Defense Commission. He was merely a nominal vice chairman, with no specific responsibilities within the Central Military Commission.

He does not participate in the work of the Military Commission.

But another person was different. General He had also begun overseeing the Sports Commission, but no one criticized him. Because while General He was in charge of the Sports Commission, as Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission, he had a specific role within the commission and held a real position. That's the difference.

This is exactly what Wei Hongjun is doing now. Even during the current Military Commission meetings, Wei Hongjun won't attend. But that doesn't mean he hasn't considered military issues. He's also considered the Taiwan issue. And he has no choice but to consider it.

After all, the 20th and 22nd Corps currently stationed in Fujian are Wei Hongjun's most loyal troops. They were personally forged by Wei Hongjun in the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region, and their leadership is largely comprised of veterans who have served Wei Hongjun for many years. If Taiwan were to truly be liberated, these two corps would be the primary force.

Wei Hongjun must consider this.

"From a military perspective, the sooner we liberate Taiwan, the better it will be for our country's overall strategy. Taiwan's strategic location is crucial. Once we develop our naval forces in the future, controlling Taiwan will allow us to directly face the Pacific Ocean. However, if we delay for too long, unexpected events will arise. Furthermore, Chiang Kai-shek's clique is currently holding on to power, and from time to time, its aircraft forces revolt and defect to us. At this time, if we put significant military pressure on them, they will inevitably be in a state of panic. However, over time, Chiang Kai-shek's clique will take root in Taiwan, and liberating Taiwan will become doubly difficult. Therefore, from a strategic perspective, liberating Taiwan as soon as possible is extremely beneficial to our country."

"But tactically, we currently don't have the ability to liberate Taiwan. If we risk sending troops, the end result will inevitably be a crushing defeat. Not only do we lack adequate naval and air force protection at this stage, we don't even have enough transport ships. Although Chiang Kai-shek's group fled to Taiwan in a panic, they still managed to mobilize nearly a hundred troops. To liberate Taiwan, even the first wave of the attack should be no less than ten. And to send so many troops at once, how many transport ships would be needed? We don't have that many right now. So tactically, we don't have the strength. We should wait and make more preparations before attacking Taiwan."

Marshal Nie nodded slightly.

Currently, a large number of islands along the coast are under the control of Chiang Kai-shek's group.

The two largest islands are Taiwan and Hainan. Taking Taiwan is much more difficult than conquering Hainan. "What's the situation in Hainan?"

"It's almost ready."

Speaking of Hainan, Marshal Nie felt much more relaxed. He looked at Wei Hongjun and said, "I should thank you for this." "Me?"

"Ah."

Marshal Nie nodded and said, "It was you who proposed the establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Trade. Since its establishment, the Ministry of Foreign Trade has integrated our Party's trading companies across the country and begun trading in World War II military supplies." Qian Guangyou, Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Textile Industry, previously headed the South China Branch of the Ministry of Foreign Trade in Hong Kong. He purchased a large number of small engines and naval vessels produced by the US Navy during World War II in Hong Kong and Singapore. Some were sold abroad, while others entered Guangdong. The South China Branch used these small engines to convert a number of motor sails. They met a shipbuilder in Hong Kong who taught them how to modify them. With two engines installed, the motor sails are faster than ordinary warships, making them impossible for warships to catch up. These motor sails can cross the Qiongzhou Strait in an hour. These small naval engines were not only purchased from the British, but also from Japan in Tianlian and Yantai Namei. Deng Guo has already attempted to send a small force ashore, and successfully sent over 3000 men to Hainan Island on the first attempt."

"That's good."

Wei Hongjun originally proposed the establishment of a Ministry of Foreign Trade to strengthen business with countries like Japan and Britain, especially to purchase their military supplies produced during World War II at low prices.

It seems to be very effective.

Wei Hongjun knew about motor sailboats. They were designed by installing engines on fishing boats, converting them into diesel-powered vessels. While the KMT's naval vessels were more powerful than those of the PLA, they weren't actually that great.

It is also impossible for them to completely blockade the sea, which gives the PLA an opportunity.

This motorboat was quite fast, allowing it to secretly deploy to Hainan to increase troop strength. The Qiongya Column currently had over 10,000 troops, while the Nationalist troops on the island numbered approximately 100,000. However, these Nationalist troops were a group of defeated soldiers, lacking any inherent combat effectiveness. Using motorboats to secretly deploy an additional 10,000 troops to Hainan, combined with internal and external support, the Nationalist troops on the island would be unable to withstand a large-scale PLA offensive.

"The Ministry of Fuel Industry has proposed the formation of a petroleum engineering corps. What are the opinions of the Central Committee and the Military Commission?"

This is what Wei Hongjun is more concerned about.

After the meeting at the Ministry of Fuel Industry, each of its subordinate bureaus drew up work plans. Some of these decisions could be made by the Ministry of Fuel Industry itself, while others required the Finance and Economics Committee. However, some matters were different.

Just like the Petroleum Engineering Corps, once established, it will not only be under the orders of the Ministry of Fuel Industry, but also under the leadership of the Military Commission. This is a unit under dual leadership. Therefore, it requires the approval of both the Central Committee and the Military Commission. "The Chairman has reviewed the report from the Ministry of Fuel Industry. At the Secretariat meeting, a positive response was given. The Military Commission is currently discussing whether to draw personnel from that unit."

"It would be most appropriate to draw troops from the First Field Army."

Wei Hongjun immediately gave suggestions.

The Ministry of Fuel Industry was about to start a massive construction project in the Yumen Oilfield, turning it into an oil base. Yumen was in Jiuquan, Gansu, so troops from the First Field Army could be deployed directly to Yumen to participate in the construction of the base. Wei Hongjun was not inclined to let personal feelings get in the way of these official matters.

Marshal Nie nodded.

If we want to withdraw troops from the First Field Army, we need to communicate with the Northwest Bureau. "Okay, I understand this matter."

The two people's conversation today ended.

Wei Hongjun was about to leave when he suddenly thought of the South China Branch. So he said, "Commander, the South China Branch incident has given me some ideas. Our public security, procuratorial, and judicial officials should be assigned to positions elsewhere, not locally. Local appointments are too complicated."

"Ah."

It has been the practice for cadres to serve in different places since ancient times.

However, years of warlord warfare in China led to the division of various regions. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, local cadres were generally sent to mobilize the vast masses behind enemy lines. Leveraging their local connections, they established bases one after another behind enemy lines. During the War of Liberation, local cadres were also selected to quickly stabilize the regions.

The effect is obvious.

Local cadres are familiar with the area and can quickly stabilize it. Sometimes, local cadres gain more trust from the local people than outsiders. However, this can have significant side effects.

That's where localism breeds.

Wei Hongjun continued: "Chief, do you think it is possible to transfer those cadres of the South China Branch to other places?" There are problems with the cadres of the South China Branch.

Localism was indeed quite serious. Some of the cadres who went south were arrogant, believing themselves to be great contributors to China's liberation. They looked down on the local cadres, believing them to be guerrillas with strong guerrilla habits and poor discipline.

However, local officials also believe that they will be needed for future local governance because they are familiar with local conditions. When these southbound officials arrive, they want to implement drastic new policies. However, these officials are so deeply entangled with the local government that they unconsciously oppose matters that directly affect their interests. They may not even be aware of this.

This is the source of localism.

Most local cadres exhibit signs of local protectionism. However, this is particularly evident among those in the South China Branch. Wei Hongjun acknowledges this. However, he also acknowledges that these cadres are capable and competent.

Of course, more importantly, Luo Qirong was not a man of good temper. He had previously held back because he lacked the power within the South China Branch. However, with the support of the Central Committee and the Central South Bureau, large numbers of officials moved south to join the South China Branch. Once Luo Qirong gained power, the fate of those officials in the South China Branch would be dire if he were to take action.

Luo Qirong started working in security during the Red Army period.

Catching people is his specialty.

If Luo Qirong really wanted to take action against someone like Chen Bo, I wonder how he would deal with it. In history, the "Two Chens" incident resulted in the arrest of hundreds of people.

If Luo Qirong really wanted to take action, even Marshal Ye would not be able to stop him.

Wei Hongjun felt a little sorry for a cadre as professionally competent as Chen Bo. These cadres should be criticized and punished, but they will still be needed. They can't all be thrown into jail just because of factional conflicts. However, Wei Hongjun had only just been elected to the Central Committee.

These matters were not under the jurisdiction of Wei Hongjun, so he told Marshal Nie.

Marshal Nie is currently an alternate member of the Secretariat and attends all Secretariat meetings, representing the highest level of decision-making within the CCP. Furthermore, Marshal Nie is Vice Premier of the State Council and Director of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission, so these are all within his responsibilities. Marshal Nie understands Wei Hongjun's intentions.

So he said: "I know about this. Transferring some cadres from the South China Branch will be a good thing for the future work of the South China Branch." The central government transferred local cadres from the South China Branch to take up positions in other places.

That is a very obvious attitude.

It is also a support for Luo Qirong.

Chapter 770 Warning

Marshal Nie and Wei Hongjun discussed the matter with the Ministry of Public Security and the Ministry of Agriculture and quickly submitted the list to the Central Committee. The Politburo did not reject it.

After all, this is the job that Marshal Nie and Wei Hongjun are in charge of.

As long as it does not involve issues of principle, the central government must respect the power of these leaders in charge.

Soon the Central Committee appointed Tan Zhengwen as a member of the Standing Committee of the South China Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, political commissar of the Public Security Command of the South China Bureau, director of the Public Security Department of Guangdong Province, deputy secretary of the Guangzhou Municipal Party Committee, political commissar of the Guangzhou Municipal Public Security Bureau, and vice president and deputy secretary of the party group of the newly established South China Public Security University.

Many officials nowadays have so many duties, and they also hold a large number of positions concurrently.

With the appointment by the central government, Tan Zhengwen became a heavyweight cadre of the South China Branch.

However, this was also due to Tan Zhengwen's extensive experience and high rank. This was also what Luo Qirong wanted. Only by sending a heavyweight cadre from the central government to the South China Branch could he help him resolve the localism there. As a cadre who could break the deadlock, Tan Zhengwen was truly the perfect fit.

As for Chen Tao, his level is not that high.

The Central Committee appointed Chen Tao as a member of the South China Branch, a member of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee, Director of the Guangdong Department of Agriculture, and Director of the Guangdong Land Reform Committee. He was sent south to Guangdong to take full responsibility for the Guangdong land reform work. Because of the complexity of the Guangdong land reform work, Chen Tao was promoted to a higher rank.

Served as a member of the South China Branch.

Although the South China Branch was a branch under the local Central Bureau, it was only half a level lower than the Central South Bureau in terms of rank. Soon, the Central Committee made new appointments.

Yao Ziming, formerly Deputy Minister of Public Security of the North China People's Government and currently Deputy Director of the Beijing Public Security Bureau, is currently serving as Deputy Mayor of Beijing and Director of the Public Security Bureau. Yao Ziming's limited experience prevents him from holding the same position as his predecessor, Tan Zhengwen, who held the title of Deputy Minister of Public Security. However, Beijing holds a special position.

With Yao Ziming serving as Beijing's deputy mayor and director of the Public Security Bureau, he quickly became a senior Party official. The Central Committee subsequently approved Marshal Nie's proposal.

Chen Bo, former Director of the Guangdong Provincial Public Security Department and Member of the Standing Committee of the Guangzhou Municipal Party Committee and Director of the Municipal Public Security Bureau, was severely criticized and punished by the central government. In particular, the central government criticized his extensive use of former police officers and social figures, saying he was divorced from the people and neglected the power of the people's war. He was ordered to reflect deeply and make a self-criticism. Subsequently, Chen Bo was transferred out of Guangdong. The central government appointed him Deputy Director of the Zhejiang Public Security Department, where he participated in Zhejiang's anti-espionage and anti-bandit campaigns.

Zhejiang was also singled out for criticism in its anti-espionage and anti-bandit work.

Zhejiang was the hometown of Chiang Kai-shek and many high-ranking KMT officials, so the KMT's various organizations were numerous here. The number of spies alone was greater than in other provinces. Bandits were also numerous, and these bandits were originally from various local KMT units. It was said that there were 500,000 spies and bandits in Zhejiang.

Zhejiang province also committed a crime that even the Chairman singled out for criticism. They released captured Nationalist soldiers without any prior screening. As a result, these prisoners not only looted the area but also turned into bandits in the mountains. Problems were not limited to Zhejiang.

After the Third Field Army entered Shanghai, it expelled over 10,000 former government employees. These people had been waiting for new China to offer them job opportunities, but after the Third Field Army entered Shanghai, they simply expelled them. Shanghai already had a large number of spies.

Under the instigation of the spies, a large number of these old government staff members joined the spy organizations. Many left Shanghai and came to Zhejiang to join various spy organizations and bandit organizations, making the situation even more chaotic.

In the end, the East China Bureau had no choice but to choose Boss Tan to go to Zhejiang as the provincial party secretary, focusing on anti-espionage and anti-bandit work.