Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Li Shucheng said, "General Wei, I know you had experience in land reform in Sheng County. I've also read the documents on the Sheng County experience. I believe the current situation in Guangdong is similar to when the land reform was first implemented. There is considerable confusion in all aspects. Cadres who participated in the 'Sheng County experience' are needed to handle the complex situation."

Wei Hongjun glanced at Li Shaocheng next to him.

I found Li Shaocheng to be very steady.

He felt more satisfied with Li Shaocheng. So he asked, "Comrade Shaocheng, what's your opinion?"

"Deputy Director Wei, I also agree with Minister Li's suggestion. Since the land reform work in Guangdong is very complicated, we must find a cadre who can identify the main contradictions in this complex environment."

Since the matter has reached the Ministry of Agriculture, Li Shaocheng did not think of backing down.

This is not something that can be solved by just taking a step back.

Since there is no way to escape, then we must face the challenge head-on. Li Shaocheng did not think of sending a random cadre to deal with it, but to choose a capable cadre.

"Ok.

Wei Hongjun understood what Li Shaocheng meant.

“Who do you think is suitable?”

"Comrade Chen Tao, member of the Hebei Provincial Party Committee and Director of the Hebei Agricultural Department."

Li Shaocheng recommended Chen Tao.

Wei Hongjun did not immediately respond.

Chen Tao joined the Eighth Route Army and the Communist Party in 1938, making him a relatively junior member. He rose from a school teacher to a rural cadre, participating in rent and interest reduction efforts in the Chahar Base Area and Rehe, where he stood out.

However, what really made Chen Tao famous was the "Shengxian Experience."

Chen Tao was the frontline leader of the "Shengxian Experience." He was responsible for implementing the land reform in Shengxian County.

Although Chen Tao's career was rapidly promoted during the Anti-Japanese War, it wasn't until the "Shengxian Experience" that his career truly took off. He is now a member of the Hebei Provincial Party Committee and Director of the Hebei Agricultural Department.

Wei Hongjun was concerned that Chen Tao's rank was not high enough.

Although he was also a provincial-level cadre, he was a minor cadre in the South China Branch. He was not qualified to be compared with Marshal Ye, Luo Qirong and others, or even with party leaders like Fang Fang.

But Chen Tao also has advantages.

He had an aura. The "Shengxian Experience," which he single-handedly oversaw, has become a classic example of the CCP's land reform. It's like Chairman Mao's historical advocacy of "learning from Dazhai in agriculture and Daqing in industry." While Chairman Mao didn't directly state it, the widespread adoption of the "Shengxian Experience" led many places to adopt the "Land Reform Model of Shengxian" approach. Chen Tao was such a cadre, possessing an aura.

For Wei Hongjun and others, this is a political achievement.

It is also a political amulet.

As long as they didn't make mistakes of principle, it would be difficult for ordinary things to bring them down politically. But Wei Hongjun was still worried. After all, it was a vortex. But in the end, Wei Hongjun nodded.

Chen Tao's trip to Guangdong, if the land reform was successful, would be a huge leap forward in his political life.

Chen Tao was one of the smartest cadres Wei Hongjun had ever met. He wasn't just clever; he possessed profound wisdom. He knew how to identify the primary contradictions that needed to be resolved amidst the myriad contradictions.

Among so many cadres in North China, not many have this ability.

Chen Tao is just such a smart cadre.

After all, Guangdong is close to Hong Kong.

Guangdong is also richer than North China.

If Chen Tao had stayed in North China, his career would have been limited to agriculture. If he could have learned more in Guangdong, he could have developed in other areas in the future.

"Okay, Comrade Chen Tao.

But Wei Hongjun was worried and said, "I'll talk to Chen Tao again after he arrives.

After deciding that Tan Zhengwen and Chen Tao would head south, the officials from the Ministry of Public Security and the Ministry of Land left. Wei Hongjun pulled a document from his bag and said, "These are my thoughts on the upcoming military training. Commander, please give me some advice."

Chapter 768 The Future Situation in East Asia

Although both of them are in Beijing, they both work in the State Council.

But in reality, such opportunities to meet and chat alone were rare. Both were so busy with their work that they didn't have much time to attend to their own responsibilities. Furthermore, they had to avoid suspicion, and couldn't be as close as they had been during the North China Bureau. Even if the truth wasn't revealed, their stance on certain matters still needed to be made clear.

At present, problems among North China cadres have begun to emerge in the central government.

The reason is that there are too many North China cadres in the central government's ministries and commissions. Not only the ordinary staff, but also many mid-level and lower-level cadres in various ministries and commissions are from North China. The first impression of cadres transferred from local central bureaus and regional governments upon arriving at the central government is that the current central government ministries and commissions are more like those in North China. While this factionalism hasn't reached a critical point, signs of conflict are already emerging.

It's just the beginning now.

As the central government transfers more and more cadres from the local central bureaus and central regions to the central government, conflicts will become increasingly intense. Those cadres promoted to the central government will want to seize power, and the North China cadres who already hold sufficient positions will naturally be unwilling to give up their positions. At that time, conflicts between factions will inevitably arise.

Wei Hongjun is also very helpless about some things.

Wei Hongjun has always opposed factionalism. Severe factionalism can lead to the exclusion of anyone outside their own faction. They formulate policies not based on whether they are correct, but rather on whether they benefit or harm their own faction. Factionalism is like the factional struggles of history: "It's just as terrifying. They don't consider the facts; they're all about uniting the party against those who are different."

However, Wei Hongjun sometimes tries to downplay the factionalism, but the factionalism that has built up over the years is not so easy to resolve. For example, if Wei Hongjun steps forward, it will only exacerbate the cliques among cadres in North China. Seeing Wei Hongjun step forward, they will spontaneously rally around him, further strengthening the faction, making it increasingly powerful and suppressing those that oppose them. Even if Wei Hongjun wants to step down, the subordinates will not allow him to withdraw. But if Wei Hongjun does nothing, then the cadres below will not follow a leader who cannot stand up for his own people and cannot protect them. And without the support of the cadres below, many of the policies of a politician cannot be implemented. This is a profound contradiction.

This is something that even a man of such great talent and strategy as the Chairman could not resolve.

Wei Hongjun could only try to adopt a fair attitude. He could only hope for continuous cadre adjustments in the future, creating a situation where everyone was part of him. Therefore, to avoid suspicion within the Central Committee, Marshal Nie and Wei Hongjun had a tacit understanding. They rarely interacted with each other. Opportunities like this to meet and discuss issues were rare, and they mostly met for official business.

Marshal Nie read Wei Hongjun's report carefully.

The more he looked at Marshal Nie, the more serious his expression became because this was not a problem of regular organization of the troops as Marshal Nie had thought.

Although the Military Commission unified the PLA's designations, establishing the five field armies and the various corps organizations, and even the authority to appoint corps leaders rested with the Military Commission, its control over the subordinate units was not as strong as one might imagine. Some corps consisted of 20 soldiers, while others had only or .

This is not enough.

After the Battle of the Yangtze River, these troops pursued the Nationalist army southward. Along the way, they recklessly reorganized those who revolted, surrendered, or were captured, incorporating them into their own forces. As a result, the size of the troops advancing southward continued to swell. This was due to the fact that the subordinate field armies and guest regiments were too large. Using the pretext of war, the troops were organized into extremely large units.

If nothing else, just look at the 20th and 22nd Corps entering Fujian.

When they set out from North China, the 20th and 22nd Corps comprised six corps, four artillery divisions, and one armored division, totaling approximately 6 troops. However, by the time they launched the Yangtze River Crossing Campaign, their total strength had grown to approximately 4. When they crossed southern Anhui, they left behind a corps of approximately 1 troops to form the Southern Anhui Military Region.

However, when they entered Fujian, the 20th and 225th Corps still had approximately 35 troops. Since entering Fujian, their numbers haven't decreased at all, and they've continued to expand. They've now established two public security divisions in Fujian, with two more divisions directly transferred to the Fujian public security system. Furthermore, they've transferred over 300 troops from the military to the local areas. Even so, the two corps still maintain a strength of approximately 35.

This is the case with other troops.

The military strength has not decreased at all.

Everyone should increase as many troops as possible at this time. The organization is simply unable to restrain these troops below.

Therefore, the Military Commission has long wanted to unify the organization of various troops.

There should be regulations on how many people a division should have, how many people an army should have, instead of the current chaos. This also applies to military salaries.

In the State Council, Wei Hongjun, as the director of the National Organization Committee, was responsible for this very matter. Marshal Nie initially assumed that Wei Hongjun's reference to military training was referring to this aspect. However, after reading the text, he realized that this was not the case.

Marshal Nie couldn't help but glance at Wei Hongjun. Although Marshal Nie had long known that Wei Hongjun had his own ideas about grand strategy, he hadn't expected him to have already begun to deduce the future strategy to this extent. Wei Hongjun's current strategic deductions were already taking a global perspective, analyzing the Far East situation amidst the US-Soviet Cold War.

Some of them Nie Shuai agreed with, while others were skeptical.

Regardless, Marshal Nie attached great importance to Wei Hongjun's report. This was because Wei Hongjun had made numerous strategic judgments since the Anti-Japanese War, and the results had always been correct. This repeated success made Marshal Nie and his men increasingly value Wei Hongjun's strategic judgments.

In fact, this is how the so-called personality cult came about.

The Communist Party of China was divided among many factions, but in the end, everyone believed in the Chairman and acknowledged him as the leader. It was precisely because everyone initially disobeyed the Chairman's advice that the revolution suffered repeated failures. The Central Soviet Area was lost, and the Long March suffered heavy casualties. Only at this critical juncture did everyone realize the Chairman's rightness and had no choice but to ask him to step out of retirement. Since then, under the Chairman's leadership, the revolution has achieved victory after victory.

As you win more, you will naturally start to admire others.

Who makes you always so right?

Wei Hongjun left this impression on Marshal Nie: he was very strategically astute.

Marshal Nie was silent for a long time after reading it. After a while, he said, "Hongjun, are you sure there will be trouble on the Korean Peninsula?" "Yes."

Wei Hongjun answered with certainty.

Then he said, "The Cold War between the US and the Soviet Union has begun. The world colonial system dominated by Britain and France is collapsing, and a new era of world domination has arrived, with the US and the Soviet Union as the two superpowers. From ideological debates to the recent convening of an alliance conference in Europe to discuss the formation of a military alliance, the conflict between the two sides is simply unresolvable. Not only is it unresolvable, but it will only intensify. As the Cold War intensifies, the two superpowers are vying for dominance around the world."

"In Europe, the United States has Southern European countries, led by Britain and France, as its allies, while the Soviet Union has Eastern European socialist countries as its allies. In the Far East, my country, the Workers' Party of Korea, and the Communist Party of Vietnam are all current allies of the Soviet Union. The United States also controls Japan and the Syngman Rhee regime."

Judging from the current situation, Europe is the most dangerous, as it has been the world's political and economic center for many years, and the United States and the Soviet Union have deployed the largest number of troops in Europe. However, the real powder keg is definitely in Asia, especially the Korean Peninsula and Vietnam.

Victory in our war of liberation will undoubtedly give immense confidence to the Workers' Party of Korea and the Communist Party of Vietnam, prompting them to embark on the same journey of national liberation as we have. The current division between North and South Korea stems from World War II. Neither side will accept the current situation. The South's population, along the 38th parallel, is twice that of the North. Military-wise, the North is far stronger. Furthermore, with the support of the Soviet Union and China as a stronghold, the North will undoubtedly launch a war for unification.

Furthermore, the Soviet Union would undoubtedly support the Korean Workers' Party and the Communist Party of Vietnam in their efforts to unify the Korean Peninsula and Vietnam. Once Korea was unified, the Soviet Union could leverage its ports to strengthen its deterrence against Japanese forces stationed in Japan. If Vietnam were unified, the Soviet Union could capitalize on this momentum to launch a surge in independence in Indochina. A Soviet victory in these two areas would allow it to suppress the United States in the Far East. This was a strategically sound strategy for the Soviet Union.

The issue of the Korean Peninsula.

Marshal Nie really has no time to think about it.

Marshal Nie is now Vice Premier and Director of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission. Of course, he is also Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission, and not just a figurehead, but a powerful one.

After the establishment of the Central People's Government, the Commander-in-Chief served as Commander-in-Chief of the People's Liberation Army and Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission. However, the Commander-in-Chief no longer oversees the affairs of the Central Military Commission; his primary focus is Party conduct. The Commander-in-Chief serves as Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and oversees its work.

Of the other deputy secretaries, Peng Dehua is currently still in the Northwest, overseeing a wide range of regional affairs. Cheng Qian is a figurehead, serving merely to express the CCP's solidarity with them. Comrade Xiuyang's primary work lies with the Central Committee, not the Military Commission. Therefore, Comrade Wu Hao is currently in charge of the day-to-day operations of the Military Commission.

But Comrade Wu Hao is even busier at work.

He is not only the Premier of the State Council, but also the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Therefore, the only remaining Vice Chairman of the CMC, Marshal Nie, currently holds a very special position within the CMC. While Comrade Wu Hao nominally handles the CMC's daily work, in reality, it's all handled by Marshal Nie. Furthermore, Xu Xiangqian, the Chief of the General Staff, has been in poor health.

If you don't pay attention, your body won't be able to bear it.

Therefore, a large amount of work for the Military Commission and the General Staff fell on Marshal Nie.

So Marshal Nie is really busy.

It was even busier than when he was commanding troops in Jin Chamo.

So, there was no time to consider the situation on the Korean Peninsula. But now, after reading Wei Hongjun's report and listening to his analysis, Marshal Nie couldn't help but consider the Korean Peninsula issue. Because Marshal Nie was already one of the highest decision-makers in the Communist Party of China, he had to consider the country's major war path. If Wei Hongjun's prediction really happened, what choice would China make at that time?

Moreover, Wei Hongjun's analysis is not groundless.

Wei Hongjun's analysis is all well-reasoned and well-founded.

If a war breaks out, the Korean Workers' Party will undoubtedly prevail. The puppet troops and police in the South are unlikely to defeat the Korean Workers' Party. However, should the situation on the Korean Peninsula change, the United States will certainly not stand idly by. The US cannot stand by while the Far East remains unfavorable to them. They cannot stand by as China and Korea become a new socialist state, an ally of the Soviet Union. But what if the US intervenes on the Korean Peninsula, crosses the 38th parallel, and seeks complete control? What will we do then?

"Can we watch the Korean Peninsula being controlled by the United States?"

Marshal Nie watched and listened to Wei Hongjun's words. What would China do then? Would it follow the example of the Ming and Qing dynasties and send troops to Korea? The thought of this made Marshal Nie worried.

After all, that was the United States. Could China really go to war with the United States? Marshal Nie couldn't help but take a deep breath.

Marshal Nie had understood Wei Hongjun's intentions. Although Wei Hongjun's report didn't explicitly state this, Marshal Nie and Wei Hongjun had known each other for ten years and knew him well. He knew Wei Hongjun's intention was that if something truly happened on the Korean Peninsula, the People's Liberation Army should intervene.

To be honest, Marshal Nie feels terrified when he thinks about this.

Fortunately, Marshal Nie, a veteran of over twenty years of battle, concealed his emotions well. After a moment's thought, he said, "So, your suggestion is that we utilize Soviet equipment to focus on building several Soviet-equipped units? Or, we could also use the American weapons we currently possess to form several American-equipped units?"

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun said, "As the saying goes, it's better to be prepared than to be caught off guard. Since ancient times, anything that happens on the Korean Peninsula will directly affect our country, because the Korean Peninsula has always been a barrier to our northeast. So if a war really breaks out on the Korean Peninsula, we must be fully prepared to deal with any possible situation. It's better than being caught off guard when the time comes. Comrade Ye Jianying and the Soviet army have already reached an agreement on a series of military cooperation. In addition to the Soviet army helping us form a navy, air force, and air defense forces, we also have a lot of Soviet-style equipment. We can fully utilize this opportunity to form several specialized Soviet-equipped units. After all, we are not familiar with Soviet weapons, so we should mobilize some elite troops to train as soon as possible to form combat effectiveness.