Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

Chebrikov, as Chairman of the KGB, said:

"...The KGB's files on Slava were complete and clean, without any flaws. The so-called blank files in the NKVD's archives were either due to problems with the NKVD's own file management, such as lost, damaged, or unregistered files at the grassroots level—something not uncommon in the Soviet Union's vast and chaotic bureaucratic system."

Or, more likely, Gorbachev, in conjunction with the Ministry of Internal Affairs, deliberately smeared the issue, using a fabricated archive problem to attack his political opponents.

Therefore, they unanimously concluded that Slava's identity must be innocent, and that the so-called identity issue was nothing more than a political trap carefully concocted by Gorbachev to drive Slava out of the core of power.

Every core member of the moderate reformists vouched for Slava's innocence from their own perspective—Chebrikov used KGB files, Ligachev used Slava's work performance and party loyalty, Ryzhkov used Slava's contributions to economic construction, Gromyko used his decades of experience in judging people, and Solomyantsev used the name of the party's oversight body...

With these people's consensus, Slava "is a good comrade who is loyal to the Party and the cause of communism" has become an indisputable conclusion, and even Slava himself, as the person involved, has no right to deny this conclusion.

As for the archives issue? It's just a political frame-up by Gorbachev's side.

On April 28, through the KGB system, the Warsaw Pact Eastern European Group reached a consensus with moderate reformers in Moscow.

The time has come; it's time to send the traitor to see his mentor.

Chapter 65 My unit was ordered to take over TASS.

Friday night, April 28, 1987

It's raining heavily in Moscow tonight.

This was the heaviest rain since the beginning of spring. Starting in the evening, leaden clouds pressed down over the city, followed by a torrential downpour that soaked the entire city of Moscow. By late at night, the rain had not only failed to stop but had intensified, with dense raindrops pounding against the red walls of the Kremlin, the stone slabs of Red Square, and the murky surface of the Moscow River, creating a continuous roar.

But the roar could not mask the vibration of the tank engine.

There is no moonlight tonight. Thick rain clouds have completely sealed off the sky, shrouding the entire city in pitch-black darkness, with only the pitiful light from the streetlights shining through.

The streets were deserted—no one wanted to go out in this kind of weather; the citizens of Moscow stayed in their warm homes, falling asleep to the sound of rain outside their windows.

Gorbachev is currently in East Germany. He is also meeting with Honecker as part of his efforts to seek support from Eastern Europe, aiming to gain the public endorsement of his reform agenda from the leader of East Germany, the most important member of the Warsaw Pact.

He is not in Moscow.

It's Friday now, and the Western journalists are only on duty. Local party committees are relaxed over the weekend, many cadres have gone home to rest, and government offices are empty.

Add to that the torrential rain that blotted out the sky—

It was a perfect night.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

April 29th, 12:30 AM.

In a KGB safe house on the outskirts of Moscow, in a basement invisible even to American satellites, all the key figures of the moderate reformists were housed.

They had already made final confirmation through the KGB's communication lines and were now using this place as a temporary command post for on-site command and coordination.

This operation is not allowed to fail; it must succeed!

The chance to revive the Union was only once. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union made that choice in 1985, but it turned out that the Party made the wrong choice. Gorbachev, the traitor to the people, the spy, and the ambitious but greedy man, had already incurred widespread discontent.

During his tenure, the League was in political turmoil, economic development was hampered, the party's leadership was shaken, and the world socialist movement suffered a major setback...

Fortunately, the people were willing to give the party another chance, and this time, the CPSU could not let the people down again.

Ligachev, Ryzhkov, Gromyko, Chebrikov, Ogarkov, Solomyantsev, and the young leader were gathered together to discuss the details.

Their goal was singular: to oust Gorbachev, the traitor to the party, and to allow Comrade Ivanov to lead the Union and complete the unfinished work of their mentor!

No one backed down, no one hesitated. Gorbachev's actions over the past few months have made it clear to these people that if they don't stop Gorbachev, the country will be dragged step by step into the abyss under his leadership!

They want to save this country.

The legal documents were ready. Gromyko—an old man who had been engaged in diplomacy since the Truman era, had spent his whole life dealing with various treaties, resolutions, and communiqués, and was very experienced in drafting formal documents.

He collaborated with Second Secretary Ligachev to prepare all the necessary documents in advance.

Draft resolutions of the plenary session of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, and the Politburo communique.

Leave key sections of every document blank—for final personnel arrangements, for specific timelines, and for content that can only be filled in after the operation is successful.

Ligachev added some details to ensure that every document was impeccable in terms of procedure and wording.

This is a formally legal transfer of power that must be completed within the framework of the Party Constitution.

In 1964, the Party used the same method to send off Khrushchev; tonight, they will use the same method to send off Gorbachev.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

One o'clock in the morning.

The Ministry of Defense was mobilized. Defense Minister Sokolov and Chief of the General Staff Ogarkov reached a consensus, with the nominal Defense Minister choosing to side with the military reformists at the last minute.

After all, Gorbachev's crazy move to purge the military using the Rust incident had made the entire military leadership realize that no general was safe unless Gorbachev was stopped!

The military's top priority is nuclear briefcases.

The Soviet Union's nuclear strike command system consisted of three briefcases, each held by one of the three: Defense Minister Sokolov, Chief of the General Staff Ogarkov, and General Secretary Gorbachev.

A nuclear strike can be launched if two out of three people agree.

In tonight's operation, Sokolov and Ogarkov, those two briefcases, have sided with the moderate reformers—meaning that two-thirds of the nuclear command chain is now under control.

The one in Gorbachev's possession must be dealt with.

To prevent any mishaps, Defense Minister Sokolov contacted KGB Chairman Chebrikov, who instructed KGB agents in East Germany to closely monitor Gorbachev's communication equipment.

Their plan was to immediately confiscate the nuclear briefcase in Gorbachev's hands the moment he finished his visit to East Germany and boarded the plane back to Moscow.

The briefcase must be rendered useless during the crucial few hours. Once the coup is complete and the new power structure is established, the nuclear command chain should be taken over in an orderly manner, and the United States should be informed through secret channels that "the nuclear command chain is stable and there is no danger."

This is the most crucial and error-free part of the entire operation. If even a moment's vacuum or chaos occurs in the command of a superpower's nuclear weapons during a regime change, the consequences would be catastrophic.

At the same time, Ogarkov began the pre-deployment of troops.

The commander of the Moscow Military District obeyed the orders of the General Staff and the Minister of Defense without any hesitation, under the dual authorization of Ogarkov and Sokolov.

At 1:05 a.m., under the pretext of maintaining Red Square, the entire Moscow garrison was mobilized, with advance units from the Taman and Kantemir divisions gathering in the suburbs of Moscow ahead of schedule.

All troops have been issued live ammunition.

Although Interior Minister Vlasov had been promised neutrality by moderate reformers—in exchange for a higher position if the coup succeeded—and the Dzerzhinsky Division, currently stationed outside Moscow, would not intervene, Ogarkov and the military commanders dared not harbor any illusions.

What if the airborne troops were deployed? The airborne troops were the most politically charged and mobile independent branch of the Soviet Army. If Gorbachev's side could mobilize even one airborne unit into Moscow, it would inevitably lead to clashes with the Taman and Kantemir divisions.

That would be a civil war between the military and the people in the capital that no one wants to see.

Nobody wanted the T-80's first combat experience to happen in Moscow.

The soldiers, wearing raincoats, boarded infantry fighting vehicles and tanks carrying live ammunition in the pouring rain. In the dead of night, amidst the storm, fully armed units set off from their garrisons on the outskirts of Moscow, advancing towards the city along roads glistening with rainwater.

"boom----"

As the torrential rain poured down, the tracks of the T80 vehicles splashed water as they rolled over the road. The headlights of the armored personnel carriers cast two blurry beams of light through the rain. Rainwater streamed down the soldiers' helmets and raincoats, but no one spoke.

They knew what they were going to do tonight when they were given live ammunition.

The various companies are heading to key facilities in the suburbs of Moscow, such as bridges, airports, and post offices, ready to take control at any time.

Moscow was asleep on the 29th, but its fate was being decided by the silent torrent of steel advancing through the rainy night.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

It's 1:30 a.m.

Several key announcers at Moscow’s Ostankino TV and Soviet State Radio suddenly received an urgent notice and were pulled out of bed by the KGB after their doors were knocked open.

"Open the door! KGB!"

These announcers were thus secretly borrowed, taken to a safe place, and then told to prepare to read an "important announcement."

Among these announcers, some realized what was happening, while others were still completely bewildered, but under the KGB's arrangement, they were all properly controlled and prepared—

Their voices would be broadcast throughout the Soviet Union via radio waves in the morning news after dawn, announcing the end of one era and the beginning of another.

Meanwhile, the KGB had prepared safe houses, which were distributed in various locations in Moscow, and selected 12 isolation sites to detain the important officials who were to be detained.

Chebrikov believed that all the hostages should never be kept in one place. Holding all the key personnel in one location meant that if that location were breached, leaked, or something went wrong, the entire operation risked a mass exodus of hostages!

Dispersing prisoners and diversifying their holdings minimizes risk.

Everything is ready.

Now all we have to do is wait for Gorbachev to take flight.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

Gorbachev's plane took off at 2 a.m., just as it entered the stratosphere—

The operation begins.

2:05 AM.

The KGB's Eighth Directorate, responsible for government communications, cooperated with the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications to simultaneously cut off communications for all key officials.

All high-frequency telephones, regular telephones, telegrams, and special government communication lines at Gorbachev's offices were cut off. Even if someone tried to contact Moscow, even if someone sensed something amiss and wanted to mobilize resources, they would find themselves unable to connect to any point in Moscow.

All communications at Yakovlev's home, office, and villa were cut off.

All of Yeltsin's communications were cut off. As the First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee, Yeltsin could mobilize not only by telephone but also the entire city committee system! Cutting off his communications was tantamount to severing his ability to rally the masses and organize support.

Slava will not repeat the mistakes of the August 819 coup in history.

Communications between Foreign Minister Shevardnadze, Politburo member Aliyev, and Russian Prime Minister Vorotnikov have been cut off.

All communications with Central Committee members whom Ligachev deemed unreliable—cut them off!

At 2:05 a.m. on that rainy night, all possible points of resistance on Gorbachev's side simultaneously lost their ability to contact the outside world.

While communications were being cut off, the KGB's Ninth Directorate, also known as the Guard Directorate, was mobilized. This department, responsible for protecting the personal safety of all Politburo members and senior officials, dispatched all units deemed "politically reliable and loyal."

At Gorbachev's residence, the KGB's Ninth Directorate detachment completed a guard rotation under the pretext of strengthening security.

Now is not the time to make arrests. We cannot alert the suspects. Strengthening the guard shift changes is completely legal in procedure, will not arouse any alarm, and will not provoke resistance from the guards protecting the person.

Chebrikov knew that many of the guards protecting these high-ranking officials had very good relationships with them, which was politically unreliable. Directly ordering arrests could easily lead to insubordination and leaks, so they could learn from their predecessors.

In 1953, Zhukov had already set an example for them. When Beria was arrested, "General Zhu" didn't bring an arrest team; he brought "strengthened security for the Presidium."

At Yeltsin's residence, the rotation proceeded smoothly, but at Yakovlev's residence, the operation encountered its first unexpected event.

When the KGB detachment carrying out the mission entered Yakovlev's residence under the pretext of "counter-terrorism threat assessment, please cooperate," they found that Yakovlev was not at home!

Gorbachev's most important ally, the head of the propaganda department, was not at his residence at the moment.

After a quick verification, the KGB determined that he should be at the Central Secretariat—because International Workers' Day was approaching, and Yakovlev was likely there working overtime to prepare propaganda materials for the holiday.

This was an unexpected variable. But in the face of the overall operation, Yakovlev's temporary loss of control was not enough to reverse the situation—even in the Secretariat, with communications cut off and key facilities throughout Moscow about to be taken over by the army, he was powerless to reverse the tide.

It's only a matter of time before we can control him.

The operation continues.

After about half an hour, all the key figures who needed to be controlled, except for Yakovlev, had been successfully controlled.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

2:40 a.m.

The Taman Division officially entered the city. Ogarkov, after all, was a veteran who had participated in the Great Patriotic War and was clear-headed on important matters. He directly gave the soldiers the authority to open fire.

Soldiers are allowed to fire after receiving only a verbal warning.

On that stormy night, a steel torrent of T-80 tanks and armored personnel carriers rolled into Moscow. The tank engines roared dully in the rainy night, and the headlights of the armored personnel carriers pierced the rain, casting a pale light on the deserted streets of Moscow.

Rainwater streamed down the tank's steel armor, gleaming coldly under the headlights.

Some Ministry of the Interior personnel tried to obstruct the military takeover of key facilities—despite the Minister of the Interior's promise to remain neutral, there were always uninformed or instinctively protective Ministry personnel at the grassroots level attempting to set up roadblocks to prevent the military from taking over key facilities.

However, roadblocks are meaningless in front of tanks.

"boom!"

The T80's tracks rolled directly over the makeshift roadblocks made of vehicles and obstacles, crushing them into a pile of twisted scrap metal.

The soldiers broke through the blockade without firing a single shot—the fact that a main battle tank weighing over forty tons was the most convincing proof of their ability to do so.

Those Ministry of Internal Affairs personnel who tried to stop them wisely stepped aside after seeing the tanks roll over the roadblocks without slowing down.

After all, how many rubles would the Ministry of Internal Affairs give them to risk their lives against professional soldiers?

The communications infrastructure in Moscow was the first to be taken over. The Central Telegraph Office on Tverskaya Street, the State Long Distance Telephone Exchange Center responsible for contacting the outside world, the main building of the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications, the government communications hub... were all taken over by the military.

Then there were the external media facilities—the Ostankino TV Tower and TV Center, the Soviet State Radio, the headquarters of TASS, and the printing plants of Pravda and Izvestia.

The printing plant must also be taken control before 5 a.m., which is the printing time for the morning newspaper. Yakovlev's men must not be allowed any opportunity to obtain propaganda materials!