Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

He wanted to pilot a small plane across the Iron Curtain and land in Moscow's Red Square, using this act to build a bridge of peace between East and West.

On another timeline, this event occurred on May 28, 1987. However, in this timeline altered by Slava, the chain reaction following the Reykjavik Summit—especially the tense atmosphere created by Gorbachev's pressure in Eastern Europe—made Rust even more anxious and determined to do something.

He brought forward the operation.

By the end of March, Moscow had entered the snowmelt season, and the daylight hours were long enough for a small plane to complete a flight of more than five hours.

After months of preparation and flight training, Rust installed auxiliary fuel tanks on the aircraft, chose a clear day, took off from Helsinki, turned off most of the communication equipment, and flew at extremely low altitudes into the Soviet air defense identification zone.

The Soviet Union's air defense system was the most sophisticated in the world—at least in theory, any unauthorized aircraft entering Soviet airspace should have been intercepted immediately.

But Rust's plane just flew right in.

It was detected by radar several times, but each time it was not intercepted for various "reasons".

Some air defense units mistook it for their own training aircraft, some mistook it for a flock of migratory birds, some failed to report it in a timely manner due to "coordination problems in the command system," and some received instructions to "continue observing the unidentified flying object" but did not take action.

A series of coincidences and mistakes allowed the small plane to traverse the entire air defense network of western Soviet Union and fly all the way to Moscow.

Slava later thought about this repeatedly after he returned to the core of power.

As a time traveler who knew the original course of history, he knew Rust would come, but during his investigation, he discovered that the flow of information seemed to have been artificially interfered with at certain key points.

The actions of those people Gorbachev placed in the KGB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs who were not part of Chebrkov's inner circle during that period still lack a clear explanation.

Was the series of blunders that allowed the aircraft to pass through the air defense system genuine negligence, or was it a deliberate act to create an excuse to purge the military?

This question will never have an answer, nor has it been definitively resolved in the original history.

But one thing is certain: Gorbachev immediately amplified the target of this air defense failure, pointing it at the military.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

Rust's plane eventually landed in the center of Moscow. A nineteen-year-old West German youth, piloting a small civilian plane, landed in the heart of the Soviet Union—

Red Square, at the foot of the Kremlin walls, next to Lenin's Mausoleum.

This matter could be quite politically damaging, considering it's Lenin's Mausoleum!

The world's largest military spender and most sophisticated air defense system had its capital, its political heart, brazenly invaded by a civilian small plane, which even landed on Red Square!

This was a resounding slap in the face to the Soviet army.

Gorbachev not only held the Air Defense Forces accountable, but he immediately escalated the matter, using it as a pretext to thoroughly purge the military and eliminate the most important pillar of strength of the moderate reformists.

PS: In the original history, Gorbachev used this as an excuse to punish hundreds of generals and remove a large number of marshals and senior officers, successfully provoking dissatisfaction within the military. In the following years, he continued to shift the blame to the military, causing the military to become increasingly disloyal and indirectly leading to the August 819 Incident.

The cleaning proceeded at an astonishing speed.

In the first week, Gorbachev convened a meeting and characterized the Rust incident as the culmination of the army's overall deterioration in combat readiness.

In the second week, citing the General Staff's overall responsibility for the army's combat readiness, the focus shifted to Ogarkov's General Staff. Simultaneously, Zaikov, in charge of the defense industry, joined the attack, questioning Ogarkov's "reconnaissance-strike complex" strategy for its one-sided pursuit of high-tech equipment, which he argued had squeezed out resources for basic air defense, putting the cart before the horse. He claimed this flawed strategic orientation was the root cause of today's air defense vulnerabilities.

In the third week, Gorbachev proposed the establishment of a special committee for military readiness reform, bypassing Ogarkov's General Staff, to directly command personnel changes in the military, and nominated Dmitry Yazov to take over the Ministry of Defense.

Gorbachev hoped to use this method to win over Yazov, a reformist officer, from Ogarkov's side.

In the fourth week, the purge order was issued, and the purge quickly expanded to Ogarkov's inner circle: generals of the General Staff's Operations Department, supporters of the military technology revolution, reformist scholars of the Military Academy of Sciences... Hundreds of generals were punished to varying degrees.

Gorbachev's intentions are crystal clear:

He wanted to use the Rust incident to uproot the military reformists and completely sever the connection between moderate reformers and the military!

If Ogarkov and the entire reformist system he established in the military are purged, then the moderate reformists will lose their most important trump card—the power to deter everything.

But Gorbachev seriously misjudged the situation this time.

He thought that purging the military would force them to submit. But in reality, this massive purge, lacking any legitimate reason and purely politically motivated, ignited unprecedented anger throughout the officer corps!

Yes, the entire group, including conservative generals.

The Soviet Army's tradition was absolute obedience to the Party's leadership—a principle ingrained in every soldier for decades. But this principle had an implicit bottom line:

Military personnel and honors should not be trampled upon by civilian officials for purely political reasons!

When Marshal Zhukov was removed from office by Khrushchev in 1957, the military did not openly resist, but the incident left a decades-long resentment in the hearts of the officers—a marshal who had made outstanding contributions to the Great Patriotic War was kicked aside for political reasons.

Now, Gorbachev is doing something even more outrageous than before. He actually wants to use a nineteen-year-old's small plane to uproot the entire military reform faction and hundreds of generals!

From the officer corps' perspective, this was a blatant political purge of the military by civilian officials.

The first to become restless was Dmitry Yazov, the general nominated by Gorbachev to take over the Ministry of Defense, who spearheaded the rebellion.

Ironically, Gorbachev thought Yazov would be grateful for the appointment and become a tool for his purge of the military. But Yazov was a true professional soldier, and he felt deep disgust and vigilance towards Gorbachev's politically motivated purge of hundreds of his comrades.

Yazov went directly to Ogarkov.

“Sergei Fedorovich,” Yazov’s attitude was clear.

“I don’t think the country can continue like this. Gorbachev can use a small plane to purge the air defense forces and the General Staff today, and he can use any excuse to purge all of us tomorrow.”

The army cannot be allowed to be slaughtered one by one like this. We must take action.

Ogarkov remained silent.

Ogarkov faced a choice. He was a man whose party loyalty and obedience were ingrained in his very being; when Slava had previously asked him which side the military would stand on, his answers had always been grounded in certain principles:

The military upholds the procedures outlined in the Party Constitution, safeguards legitimate power transfers, and avoids actively getting involved in political struggles.

He always adhered to this bottom line. Even though he leaned towards moderate reformism and had doubts about Gorbachev's openness and democratization, he never considered letting the military intervene in the power struggles within the party.

But Gorbachev crossed the line this time.

Gorbachev postponed the plenary session, bypassed the Politburo, used the Ministry of Internal Affairs to "frame" Slava, recklessly exerted pressure in Eastern Europe causing chaos within the Warsaw Pact, and now he is using the Rust incident to launch a large-scale purge of the military...

In Ogarkov's view, this series of actions was no longer a normal political struggle within the framework of the party constitution.

This is a traitor to the people who is ruthlessly destroying everything in this country in order to preserve his own power!

This traitor is undermining normal party procedures! Destabilizing the army! Damaging Soviet influence in Eastern Europe! Sabotaging the communist cause!

If they continue to sit idly by, Ogarkov and the entire military reform faction will face the fate of being uprooted by this traitor. Once the military reform faction is purged, the last force in the country capable of stopping Gorbachev from dragging everything into the abyss will disappear.

Ogarkov thought of Slava. Over the past year, he had witnessed firsthand how Slava's actions were genuinely improving the country.

And now, this person who is truly doing practical things for the country has been driven out of the core of power by Gorbachev using a fabricated "archival issue"!

Are you kidding me? Slava was personally recommended by General Secretary Andropov, what problems could he possibly have?

That night, Ogarkov only hesitated for a few seconds before picking up the phone and dialing Director Nian's number.

"Comrade Ivanova, could you ask him for me when he plans to make his move?"

------

So the guide went to the Ural Mountains to ask Slava. With the help of the workers, she disguised herself as an ordinary visitor and passed the message in.

The workers handed her a basin of freshly drawn water, asking her to use the excuse of delivering water to Slava to see him.

When Director Nian carried the basin of water into Slava's simple, prison-like hut, Slava was sitting on the edge of the bed, his face and hands still covered in machine oil from the workshop.

The moment Slava saw Director Nian, a mix of emotions flashed in his eyes—surprise, excitement, and a deep weariness and self-reproach.

“Brother,” Director Nian put down the basin of water, her tone this time serious.

"Let me tell you about the situation in Moscow. Gorbachev has successfully pushed everyone to the point of taking action in order to bring you down. Ogarkov will support us, and the two garrison units of the Moscow Military District—the Taman Division and the Kandemir Division—will clear the way for us."

"Within the party, we are still vying for the positions of secretary in the Ministry of Internal Affairs and local secretaries in Eastern Europe. You can now return to Moscow."

She paused for a moment.

"We were careless this time. Consider it a lesson learned—take a shower first, then we'll go back to Moscow. Once the Central Committee has discussed the attitudes of Eastern Europe, it will be time to take action. Also, the Ministry of Internal Affairs—the Dzerzhinsky Division outside Moscow is very well-equipped, and this division, which is directly under the Ministry of Internal Affairs, will definitely resist."

Although the airborne troops are nominally independent, they have always been a mobile force under Gorbachev's control, and they may interfere with us.

If fighting breaks out in Moscow, there will be a great deal of bloodshed and loss of life. Furthermore, the Moscow City Committee is under Yeltsin's control. If Yeltsin mobilizes the Moscow Party organization to oppose our advance, and then incites the masses...

"You need to prepare for civil war, Slava. Many people may die."

Slava listened in silence.

"Don't worry too much. The Minister of the Interior is a very ambitious man. If we promise him power, we might be able to avoid a civil war," Director Nian said, pursing his lips.

Slava said, "Then give in and give him what he wants. I came this far for the people, for my mentor's ideals, and for so many people who trusted me. If I were just someone who would do anything for power, I would never have gone to Kazakhstan or Ukraine."

Temporary concessions are acceptable as long as our ultimate goal is achieved.

Director Nian replied, "Okay, none of us want it to end up in a civil war. We will try our best to avoid it. The Ministry of the Interior can deal with it later."

Slava's gaze fell on the basin of water.

The water was hot when the workers brought it, but it had cooled down by the time the guide came in to talk. The frigid conditions of the Ural Mountains meant that a basin of hot water would quickly become ice-cold.

Slava stared at the basin of water that had gone completely cold, his mind replaying everything that had happened over the past few years.

He never wanted to give up some things.

Before he traveled through time, he only knew that revolution was not a dinner party, but a real battle where the enemy shed blood.

During the years after the time travel, when he worked under Andropov, he at most upgraded this awareness to the level of "being prepared to bleed and fall, and to give his life for his beliefs."

He was unwilling to cause innocent harm because of himself. In many situations where he should have used ruthless methods, he chose mediation and compromise, wanting to use a gentler approach and find a solution where everyone except the enemy could be happy.

But what has become of us now?

He knew that he had to yield to reality, accept the imperfections of his choices, and tolerate the imperfections of the path and the outcome. The meaning behind the so-called "uniting all that can be united" also meant compromising all that could be compromised and enduring all that could be endured, all for the sake of the most precious and unshakable purpose!

Even so, there is no such thing as a one-time success. Winning one or two battles is just a milestone, merely indicating that his actions have yielded some results, far from success.

The open battle is over, but the hidden enemy has begun to act; the covert war is over, but the new enemy is just beginning to stir up trouble.

The enemy of the new concept has fallen, but internal contradictions and discord have begun to gradually expand!

A true revolution is never-ending and does not allow for rest.

A surge of determination rose in his chest, and he got up and walked to the basin of cold water.

"Brother?" Director Nian looked at his actions with some confusion.

Slava bent down and picked up the basin of icy water with both hands. Then, gritting his teeth, he poured the entire basin of cold water over his head.

"Wow—"

The icy water was poured onto his body, which was still covered in engine oil. In the frigid Ural Mountains, the biting cold made his muscles tense instantly, but he didn't make a sound.

"Brother! What are you doing?!" Director Nian looked at him in surprise.

Slava wiped the water from his face, his eyes holding something Director Nian had never seen before. It was a resolute light that had been tempered and refined.

“I must learn my lesson,” he said, emphasizing each word, his voice filled with self-anger.

Outside, the workers who were secretly helping heard the commotion, and one of them whispered, "Let's get Comrade Ivanov another basin of hot water—"

“No need,” Slava interrupted them, “just another cold one.”

Director Nian looked at Slava, who was soaking wet and shivering in the cold but with his back straight, and advised, "Brother, this water is freezing."

Slava looked at her and said, slowly and deliberately, "Another pot!"

Basin after basin of ice water was poured on him.

Slava stood in that simple hut, letting the icy water soak his body again and again. Each basin of cold water washed away the weakness in his bones, and each biting cold made his determination stronger.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

In April, the Central Committee plenary session was finally convened.

Slava, an alternate member of the Politburo who should have played a key role at the plenary session, is currently trapped in a factory in the Ural Mountains and is under investigation.

Without Slava as a key figure, the moderate reformists were temporarily unable to launch a full-scale attack on Gorbachev at the April plenary session—under Slava's orders, they were contacting local secretaries in Eastern Europe, who were very dissatisfied with Gorbachev.

Under the leadership of Director Nian, all the moderate reformists have reached a consensus—to abandon illusions and begin the struggle!

Gorbachev was riding high at this time, and taking advantage of the Rust affair, he continued his purges at the plenary session and afterwards. Not only the military, but he also began to purge those members of the Central Committee who favored moderate reformists, adjusting personnel under various pretexts to place as many of his own people as possible into the power structure.

But the more Gorbachev's purges expanded, the more discontent he stirred up.

The military was furious about the purge following the Rust affair; the Central Committee members were all on edge because of Gorbachev's personnel changes; Eastern European countries were becoming increasingly alienated because of his pressure; and those cadres and the masses who witnessed Slava being wronged and exiled were developing a growing resentment towards this ruthless General Secretary.

With every step Gorbachev takes, he pushes more people to the opposite side.

Regarding Slava's "identity problem," the core members of the moderate reformists never actually believed Gorbachev and the Ministry of Internal Affairs' explanations from the very beginning.

Ligachev, Ryzhkov, Gromyko, Chebrikov, Solomyantsev... these men have fought alongside Slava for the past few years, and they know him all too well.

How could this good comrade, who devoted himself to the country so wholeheartedly, be a traitor?

Regarding the blank in the archives before 1980 that the Ministry of the Interior discovered, members of the moderate reformists offered their own explanation.