Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

But Slava knew that Gorbachev's coalition was not monolithic. The so-called unanimous approval never meant that everyone really agreed. It only meant that those who opposed him had been persuaded, bribed, or intimidated into keeping quiet in the private negotiations before the formal vote.

What was Sherbitsky thinking when he voted? Sherbitsky was still on a plane in the US when the Blitzkrieg was launched! Didn't he have any objections?

What about Grishin? What about Romanov? What about Tikhonov?

Each of them has their own accounts to settle, but when will Gorbachev honor them?

Let's trust in the wisdom of future generations.

In his announcement, Gorbachev also said things like "to do everything in my power to be loyal to the Party and the people," "to serve the cause of Leninism," and "the general line of the CPSU"...

Every new General Secretary has said the exact same thing. The only difference is that some people actually believed what they said, some people knew they didn't believe it but pretended to, and some people knew everyone knew they didn't believe it but everyone pretended to believe it together.

Which category does Gorbachev fall into? Can he still meet his mentor openly and honestly?

Slava only knew that if he were his mentor, he would definitely hang Gotu up with a copper-headed leather belt and whip him, but unfortunately, his mentor was lying in a crystal coffin and couldn't get out.

The dead sleep underground, while the living will carry on the ideals and cause of their predecessors.

Slava has already begun his operation.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

In March 1985, the Politburo of the CPSU consisted of a dozen full members and several alternate members.

These people’s political leanings can be roughly divided into several camps. Of course, the word “faction” should be put in quotation marks because the Soviet Communist Party charter explicitly prohibited factional activities decades ago.

Therefore, all factions exist under the guise of "informal exchanges among like-minded comrades," just as the black market is called a "supplementary channel for the unplanned economy."

Currently, there is only one person among the official committee members who is openly a reformist – Gorbachev himself.

Aliyev could be considered half a figure, though. He was promoted by Andropov and had carried out anti-corruption and economic reforms in Azerbaijan, but his approach was closer to authoritarian modernization than liberal reforms.

The real forces for reform are currently concentrated at the level of alternate members and the Secretariat—Ligachev, Ryzhkov, Chebrikov, Slava...

These people are the legacy of the Andropov era and the foundation of Gorbachev's rule.

All I can say is that I can never repay President An's kindness.

As for the conservative camp, that's much larger:

Grishin controlled the Moscow City Committee and was Chernenko's preferred successor. Although he lost the final power struggle, his territory and connections remained.

Romanov controlled the military-industrial complex and had deep roots in Leningrad;

Tikhonov, the head of the Dnieper gang, is eighty years old, but as chairman of the Council of Ministers, he still controls a large amount of resources in the government administration.

Kunayev, a local strongman, had been operating in Kazakhstan for nearly twenty years. He was a typical local lord during the Brezhnev era, and there were many such lords in other regional member states and satellite states of the Union.

Sherbitsky—the First Secretary of Ukraine and the last and strongest stronghold of the Dnieper Party—was based in the Soviet Union's second-largest republic with a population of 50 million. His foundation was so solid that Gotto could only deal with him when the Soviet Union was on the verge of collapse.

There's also a group of people who are harder to categorize.

Gromyko is a perpetual "kingmaker." He supported Gorbachev's rise to power, but he himself was conservative in his specific policies.

Vorotnikov is the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Federation. He is a technocrat by training and is now taking sides depending on the prevailing winds.

Solomyantsev was Andropov's key figure in the anti-corruption campaign and supported disciplinary reforms, but had little interest in economic reforms.

Slava compiled a list of key Politburo and central officials, dividing them into five columns: those who definitely support reform, those who might support reform, those who are neutral and observing, those who might oppose reform, and those who definitely oppose reform. He then counted the number of people in each column.

Few people support it, many oppose it, and the swing votes in the middle are just enough to decide the outcome.

"So our problem isn't how to defeat conservatives or liberals," he told the director.

"We'll first win over the centrists, making them feel that it's safer to stand on our side than on theirs."

A sense of security—that was the scarcest resource in Soviet politics.

...

Slava's first key decision was to promote Ligachev to the position of second secretary.

Yegor Kuzmich Ligachev, 64, is from Tomsk Oblast in Siberia, where he served as the First Secretary of the Oblast Party Committee for 18 years.

His understanding of grassroots Party affairs runs deep. In 1983, Andropov transferred him from Tomsk to Moscow to oversee organizational and personnel work, an arrangement that itself demonstrated Andropov's trust in him.

Those who manage cadres have more power than those who manage policies, because they manage people, not things. Policies always need people to implement them, and a single personnel appointment or dismissal order is as powerful as ten thousand policy documents!

Ligachev's political stance is quite interesting.

He supported reform, but his reform ideas were completely different from Gorbachev's.

In Ligachev's view, the goal of reform was to make the CPSU more efficient and incorruptible, not to make it more "Western-style democratic".

What he wanted was a better Leninism, not a different one.

He opposes corruption and bureaucracy, supports the rejuvenation of cadres, and supports a certain degree of economic reform, but he would absolutely not support undermining the Party's leadership or introducing Western-style political pluralism!

Historically, Ligachev had a falling out with Gorbachev after only a few years in office, becoming one of the party's strongest opponents of Gorbachev. In 88, Gorbachev established several committees to replace some of the functions of the Secretariat, handing over ideology to Medvedev, and Ligachev resigned in disgrace.

This is great news for Slava, who also advocates prioritizing economic reforms, opposes overly rapid political democratization, and emphasizes improving efficiency through information technology and management improvements within the framework of a planned economy.

The difference between the two lies in that Slava places more emphasis on technical means, while Ligachev places more emphasis on organizational means, but they are highly in agreement on the question of "what should not be done":

We shouldn't have rushed forward by linking political openness and economic reform together like Gorbachev did.

At this time, there were several competitors for the position of Second Secretary:

Richard Kosolapov, editor of The Communist magazine, a Stalin admirer and a member of the still-minor new Stalinists within the party, is pushing for Molotov's rehabilitation within the party and is unlikely to become the second secretary.

Pyotr Demitchev, Minister of Culture, was an ideological veteran from the Brezhnev era, so mediocre that even the conservatives didn't bother to promote him.

Then there is Vladimir Doldikh, Andropov's nominee, who has worked on the Economic Reform and Development Committee since 1983 and is a highly capable business manager and economic expert.

Alexander Yakovlev, a well-known liberal mentioned in previous chapters, a former orthodox Marxist and later an anti-communist, is currently serving as ambassador to Canada and is one of Gorbachev's closest ideological confidants.

Therefore, Ligachev is the only candidate who can be both accepted by Gorbachev and can effectively check and balance Gorbachev.

Kosolapov and Demichev are too conservative, which will cause the reformists to split directly; Doljikh is too market-oriented, which will turn him into a replica of Gorbachev instead of a check and balance; Yakovlev is too radical—this guy just needs to be crushed by the water tank and sit at the same table as Yeltsin.

A few days later, at Slava's urging, Ligachev was promoted to a full member of the Politburo and officially appointed as the Second Secretary at the Central Committee plenary session in April 1985, in charge of ideology and personnel.

This direct promotion from alternate member to full member was extremely rare at the time, which is enough to show how much Gorbachev relied on him.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

After Lighachev officially took office, Slava took the opportunity to have a long talk with him.

The location was a conference room in the Central Secretariat building, and there were only the two of them.

Ligachev sat across the table; at sixty-four, he looked far healthier than other high-ranking Soviet officials his age. This was likely due to decades of outdoor exercise during his time living in Siberia and a light diet away from Moscow's social circles.

Like many of the young talents mentored by Andropov, Ligachev had a square face, clear eyes, and a loud voice that made Slava think he could easily serve for another twenty years.

Slava knew Ligachev disliked beating around the bush, so he got straight to the point:

"Yegor Kuzmich, there's one reason I support your appointment as Second Secretary, but I didn't mention it when I spoke with Gorbachev—"

Ligachev did not interrupt him.

“I worry that Gorbachev will go too fast and too far. His speech in December—reform and reconstruction, openness and transparency—may be on the right track, but the pace is too radical!”

To open up politics before economic reforms have yielded sufficient results is like opening a box that you don't know if you can close.

I need someone in the Politburo who can remind him to slow down at crucial moments, and you are the most suitable person I can think of.

Ligachev remained silent for a moment after listening.

"Comrade Ivanov, what you say makes sense, but you must understand one thing—I was promoted by Gorbachev, and I will not openly oppose him until there is sufficient evidence to prove that his line will indeed bring disaster."

I agree that I can offer him suggestions internally and oversee the pace of specific policies, but if you expect me to stand up against him now, you've come to the wrong person.

"Of course I don't need you to oppose him now!"

I only need you to be on the right side someday in the future—if that day ever comes—when reality proves that political openness has indeed progressed too quickly.

Ligachev glanced at him, his eyes revealing the caution characteristic of a veteran party member. He was weighing whether the young man was making a reasonable prediction or pre-planning a conspiracy against the General Secretary.

“...if reality proves you right,” Ligachev finally offered a political check with the conditions for cashing it, but no one knew when it would be cashed.

"Then I will stand on the side I believe is right."

Thank you for your understanding.

The two stood up, shook hands, and under the watchful gaze of the mentor statue on the wall, a seed was planted.

-

Gorbachev was also taking action; he didn't want to be held hostage by Slava every day.

In early April, two things happened almost simultaneously.

The first thing was that a young man from the Sverdlovsk region came to Moscow.

That was Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin!

He is currently the First Secretary of the Regional Party Committee. Tall and energetic, he has a respectable record in Sverdlovsk: improving food supplies, completing the metro construction, and accumulating rich experience in the construction field...

Both Ligachev and Dolgikh recommended him for a more important position in Moscow.

Gorbachev then appointed Yeltsin as Minister of Industry.

This arrangement seemed reasonable because Yeltsin's experience in construction management was well-suited to the industrial sector. However, Yeltsin was a natural supporter of market-oriented reforms, and like Dolgikh, he preferred to use the old Zhong or Yugoslavian model of market economy to solve the Soviet Union's economic problems.

Placing him in the Ministry of Industry is tantamount to adding a voice supporting marketization to the economic sector—a voice that will counteract Slava's advocacy of "informatization + gradual improvement."

Tikhonov expressed his opposition to Yeltsin's appointment, saying that the 80-year-old chairman of the Council of Ministers felt the man was unsuitable, but could not pinpoint exactly why.

Later history proved that although Tikhonov was old and his eyesight was failing, he was still better at judging people than Andropov, and he knew that Yeltsin was not a good person.

The second thing was that Yakovlev was recalled from Canada.

Alexander Nikolayevich Yakovlev was expelled from the central government in 1973 for publishing an article in Lithuania criticizing Russian nationalism, and spent twelve years in Ottawa.

When Gorbachev visited Canada in 1983, the two had an in-depth conversation, which established an intellectual alliance that transcended their working relationship.

Yakovlev was ideologically more radical than Gorbachev, and he was the true driving force behind the later "openness and transparency" and "new thinking".

Upon learning of Yakovlev's return to the country, Slava immediately understood Gorbachev's intention: to use Yakovlev to counterbalance Ligachev.

Ligachev was in charge of ideology and personnel matters, while Yakovlev was far more radical than Ligachev in his thinking!

If Ligachev applies the brakes in the ideological arena, Yakovlev can bypass it and continue pushing forward.

One player secured the win while the other scored, leaving Gorbachev balancing the situation in between.

A classic power maneuver.

After returning to Moscow, Yakovlev became very close to Doltikh, and the two met frequently to discuss the direction of economic reforms. Doltikh—a powerful business manager who had worked on the Economic Reform Committee during the Andropov era—if he joined forces with Yakovlev, their influence on economic issues would far surpass that of Slava and Ryzhkov!

We absolutely must bring Ryzhkov over!

Yakovlev was in charge of ideology, Dorjich was in charge of economic reforms, Yeltsin was in charge of industry...

The three individuals form a reform triangle, which counterbalances the reform triangle of Ligachev-Slava-Ryzhkov.

Now, the two triangles are facing each other on the chessboard, with Gorbachev sitting above them, maintaining the lever of supreme power.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

Slava and Ryzhkov discussed the current situation at a working lunch in mid-April.

Ryzhkov became even busier after being formally appointed Chairman of the Council of Ministers (i.e., Prime Minister), but he still made time to maintain at least one weekly exchange with Slava.

Their shared understanding on economic issues forms the basis of their cooperative relationship.

“Comrade Ryzhkov, Gorbachev is finding us opponents,” Slava explained to Ryzhkov. “Yakov, Lev, Dorjikh, and Yeltsin—that’s his team. On our side, it’s Ligachev, you, and me, with him acting as the referee in the middle.”

"This arrangement is optimal for him, but not for the league."

Ryzhkov calmly assessed and responded: "The problem is that our team doesn't have enough votes in the Politburo—Ligachev is in charge of cadres, but he hasn't established a strong foundation yet. As Prime Minister, I'm in charge of government affairs, and my influence at the party level is limited. As for you, it goes without saying."

"Therefore, we need more allies."

"Who? Romanov?"

"Let's win over the centrists first. I think we can try to win over Vorotnikov and Solomyantsev. These people won't take sides on their own initiative, but if we can come up with solutions that satisfy them on specific issues, they will lean towards us when voting."

Ryzhkov thought for a moment:

"I'm in charge of the budget allocation for the five-year plan, which is a great opportunity for us!"

Every ministry is vying for resources; if we can advocate for their interests in the Five-Year Plan, they'll give us face on other issues.

This oldest political tactic has never failed.

A few days later, Gorbachev did something else.