Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

Chernenko didn't smile; he no longer had the strength to control his facial muscles to produce an expression that resembled a smile. He simply nodded, then, supported by Grishin and his assistant, turned and walked towards the exit, his slow steps reminiscent of an old ship making its final docking in a harbor.

February 28th marked his last public appearance on television, where he received his certificate of election as a parliamentary representative.

That was the last time Soviet citizens saw their General Secretary on television.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

On March 10, 1985, at 3 p.m., Chernenko fell into a coma.

At 7:20 p.m., his heart stopped beating, and he went to find his old comrade-in-arms, Comrade Brezhnev, trembling.

His cause of death was progressive liver and lung failure plus cardiac arrest—medically known as multiple organ failure. In layman's terms, this machine, which had been tormented by time, tobacco, and that damned smoked fish for seventy-three years, finally broke down completely.

In less than three years, the Soviet Union lost its third General Secretary. After confirming Chernenko's death, his personal physician, Chazov, made a decision: his first call was to Gorbachev, and his second was to KGB Chairman Chebrikov.

The order of these phone calls itself is the Politburo's answer.

At 11 p.m. that night, Gorbachev convened an emergency meeting of the Politburo in the Kremlin.

Slava was not in the meeting room; Central Committee members were not eligible to attend Politburo meetings, so he waited in the Kremlin corridor. The Director stood beside him, and neither of them spoke.

The corridor lights appeared particularly cold and white in the dead of night, and in the distance, one could hear the sound of people walking quickly and the occasional ringing of a telephone.

The meeting lasted less than an hour.

The first to stand and speak was Gromyko, who nominated Gorbachev:

"Comrade Gorbachev is the absolutely correct choice."

Then there was Tikhonov, who was eighty years old—a legacy of the Brezhnev era, the last bastion of the Dnieper faction, and the most conservative of the conservatives.

He also supported the nomination "without reservation".

He was well aware that the reformists' dominance was inevitable, and there was no need for futile resistance. After all, he was getting on in years and would soon be meeting his mentor openly and honestly; why would he cast a dissenting vote, disrupt "party unity," cause himself trouble, and then have Gorbachev make things difficult for him after coming to power?

It's better to avoid trouble than to get involved; sometimes it's wise to play dumb.

And so, when Tikhonov had sided with Gorbachev, everyone else in the meeting room knew that the suspense was over.

Minutes later, the Politburo unanimously approved Comrade Gorbachev as the next General Secretary, and as is customary, Gorbachev was appointed as the chairman of Chernenko's funeral committee.

This time, it won't be like when Comrade Romanov was stood up after attending Ustinov's funeral.

When Slava heard the results from Gorbachev's assistant in the corridor, he closed his eyes briefly, and his constantly tense nerves were finally released in that instant.

Director Nian gently nudged his elbow: "Is it over?"

"Let's play a few rounds of eggs, boss."

“It’s time for us to save the Union from this crisis, my dear comrade ‘Great Glory’.” Director Nian patted Slava on the shoulder, leaned against the wall, and coldly watched Gorbachev, who was beaming, emerge from the hall through his sunglasses.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

Red Square, March 13.

Another Soviet-style state funeral.

Gray sky, black coat, red flag. These three colors have appeared in the same arrangement three times in the past three years at the same location. Another tombstone has been added to the row of tombstones next to Lenin's Mausoleum, the one next to Andropov's inscribed with "Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko 1911-1985".

The tombstone was so simple it was almost stingy. Like all the other tombstones around it, it was made of gray granite, with standard lettering and no personalized decorations.

Every person lying beneath this red wall—from Stalin to Brezhnev to Andropov to Chernenko—no matter how much power, how strong their personality, or how deep their grudges during their lives, they all become the same thing beneath this wall:

A gray stone with a name and two years engraved on it.

The final destination for every General Secretary is to report to their mentor.

Slava stood in the viewing area, watching with Director Nian as the crystal coffin was slowly lifted up the steps of Lenin Mausoleum.

Under the watchful gaze of the mentor's remains, which had long since become a deity, yet another successor was sent to the earth.

Lenin has been lying in that crystal coffin for sixty-one years, his face preserved in an eternal peace by the embalming fluid, forming an absurd contrast with the successors who came and went like a revolving lantern after him.

He is neither old, nor sick, nor dead. He lives in textbooks, on every wall of government offices, and in the mouths and memories of everyone in this alliance, but not in our hearts.

He had become a true immortal god, and his ideal successors passed by him one after another, disappearing into the earth behind the red walls.

Who will break this crystal coffin and rescue him?

Only God knows.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

Diplomacy followed the funeral.

On the afternoon of the same day the funeral concluded, Gorbachev began his diplomatic debut as the new leader of the Soviet Union, with a series of bilateral meetings unfolding in the Kremlin's reception hall, resembling a meticulously planned diplomatic waterway:

Each foreign leader was brought in, sat for fifteen to thirty minutes, and then politely asked to leave so that the next one could take their place.

U.S. Vice President Bush brought a personal letter from Reagan, which contained an invitation to Gorbachev to hold a U.S.-Soviet summit.

Bush's account in his subsequent report to Reagan gave the White House decision-making circle their first direct impression of the new Soviet leader:

"...He has a disarming smile and warm eyes, and he can express unpleasant opinions and then easily steer the conversation back onto a genuine communication track."

British Prime Minister Ford has arrived, French President Mitterrand has arrived, and West German Chancellor Kohl has arrived.

The Chinese side sent Premier Zhao Ziyang.

Zhao Ziyang's arrival was the most politically significant of all the bilateral meetings that day. After all, this was the first time, after more than 20 years of frozen Sino-Soviet relations, that a Chinese head of government had personally gone to Moscow to attend the funeral of a Soviet leader. Its level of representation was a whole step higher than that of the representative sent by China at Andropov's funeral (who was at the vice-premier level).

When Zhao Ziyang entered the Kremlin reception hall, he was wearing a dark Zhongshan suit. He was the only foreign leader visiting that day who was not wearing a suit.

He was fifty-six years old, his hair was already gray, but he was in good spirits.

The meeting between Gorbachev and Zhao Ziyang was originally scheduled to last thirty minutes, but it ended up lasting nearly two hours.

PS: In the end, Zhao Ziyang couldn't defeat the short man and was ousted from the position, which can be considered a great achievement for the short man.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

Slava listened to the first half of the talks. He was seated in the audience section on the side of the room as the coordinator for Sino-Soviet relations, next to Director Nian and several Ministry of Foreign Affairs staff.

The first half of the meeting was a formal diplomatic exchange, during which the two sides exchanged views on the next steps in expanding Sino-Soviet trade, the latest developments on the issues of Vietnam and Cambodia, and the prospects for cooperation between the two countries in the field of science and technology.

Zhao Ziyang expressed his appreciation for the improvement in Sino-Soviet relations in recent years, and specifically mentioned that "Comrade Ivanov reached a series of consensuses with the Chinese side during his visit to China last year, which laid an important foundation for the development of bilateral relations."

As he said this, his gaze swept over Slava in the audience, and a barely perceptible smile appeared on his lips.

Slava glared back, because it was he who had vigorously promoted the dual-track system, and his son was deeply embroiled in the controversy over official profiteering and the privatization of state assets. This man would bear the main responsibility for the hyperinflation a few years later.

About forty minutes into the meeting, the atmosphere changed. The formal diplomatic agenda was exhausted, and the two began to talk about more personal, in-depth, and dangerous topics.

Zhao Ziyang proactively brought up his experience in economic reform over the past few years, especially the dual-track system. He frankly acknowledged the rent-seeking problems and social injustices brought about by the dual-track system, but at the same time pointed out that the dual-track system, as a transitional mechanism from planning to the market, was "imperfect but effective."

China’s GDP has nearly doubled in the past six years, farmers’ incomes have increased significantly, and urban residents have a wider range of consumer goods to choose from.

"Of course, the price was not small either," Zhao Ziyang paused at this point.

"Corruption is the most troublesome problem, and the public has a lot of complaints about it, but in my view, economic reform is only the first step. If it is not accompanied by political system reform, the achievements of economic reform will eventually be swallowed up by rent-seeking."

Gorbachev was delighted at the mention of political reform, and from now on, every word Zhao Ziyang said would reinforce Gorbachev's already strong impulse to prioritize political reform.

“I think…” Zhao Ziyang continued, his gaze shifting from the teacup in front of him to Gorbachev’s eyes.

"Political reform is the greatest test facing socialism today. Economic development and political democracy are inseparable—you can't just give people bread without giving them the right to speak, because bread can fill their stomachs, but it can't fill their dignity."

Government administration must be transparent, policy-making must take public opinion into account, and the selection of officials must have some form of competition mechanism!

This is not a patent of capitalism; it is a fundamental element needed for the governance of any modern nation.

We must achieve not only material modernization, but also political modernization.

Gorbachev immediately began to resonate with these words.

"Comrade Premier, I feel the same way you described!"

The alliance is currently facing the same problem – economic reforms, without a supporting political system, will be absorbed by the bureaucratic system.

Comrade Ivanov built a union, and the bureaucratic system turned it into another bureaucracy; he introduced price fluctuations, and the bureaucratic system turned the space for fluctuations into a space for rent-seeking.

The root of the problem isn't in the economy, but in power! If power is unchecked, any economic reform is merely giving corruption a new look.

Zhao Ziyang nodded repeatedly.

What he said wasn't without merit, because Lao Zhong's economic reforms did indeed face the contradiction of a mismatch between the political system and the economy. However, his own fate later proved just how risky it was to promote political openness when the economy was not improving.

In the history before Slava's time travel, Zhao Ziyang was dismissed and placed under house arrest for sympathizing with the protesters during Gorbachev's visit to Beiping four years later, until his death.

His political reforms went too fast and too far.

Now, Zhao Ziyang is infecting Gorbachev with the same enthusiasm—a man who was already inclined to prioritize political reform, a man who holds power that could change the fate of the Soviet Union.

This is really going to be a disaster.

The two men's conversation deepened as they discussed various topics, from the dual-track system to administrative transparency, from public opinion gathering to cadre selection reform, and from press freedom to diverse forms of democracy. Each topic brightened Gorbachev's eyes and darkened the future of the Union.

After the talks, Zhao Ziyang said to the waiting reporters at the door:

"My conversation with Comrade Gorbachev was very inspiring."

Slava sat at the table for a long time after returning to his apartment that evening.

The guide brought over two cups of tea. She had gotten a small packet of Longjing tea from Old Zhong's delegation, and then sat opposite him, waiting for him to speak.

“It’s over. Zhao Ziyang has completely pushed Gorbachev down that path, and now he can’t turn back,” Slava finally said.

"Political reform first, openness and transparency, democratization... If Gorbachev had implemented the same things in the Soviet Union—"

Do you think the outcome will be worse?

"Of course! The Soviet Union's ethnic problems were a hundred times more complex than Lao Zhong's. If you were to make things open and transparent, nationalism from all the constituent republics would surge out like a flood. At that point, it wouldn't be a question of reform, it would be a question of division!"

"What are you going to do?"

Slava remained silent for a long time when faced with this question, so long that Director Nian had finished his cup of Longjing tea and poured himself a second one.

“We must start preparing to take him down now, but our foundation is too weak right now. For now, I must do what I’m supposed to do,” he said.

"Economic reforms, informatization, light industry, and trade with the South... these are all tangible achievements that no one sitting in that chair can deny."

If I can achieve some decent economic results before Gorbachev pushes the Union into the abyss, and then use those results to win over more people, then we can stop him when he opens Pandora's box.

Honestly, I really don't want the verbal battle to escalate into a physical one. I'll try my best to influence Gorbachev to stop him from going too far, but if things get really critical...

He didn't finish his sentence.

Director Nian looked at him, his rose-red eyes appearing exceptionally deep in the warm light of the desk lamp.

"I will not repeat the mistakes of the August 19 Incident in history."

The Union has only one chance for revival; if Gorbachev can't seize it, then let me do it.

Chapter 48 The Indomitable Little Guy

March 11, 1985, 10:00 AM Moscow time

Soviet Central Television and All-Union Radio simultaneously suspended their regular programming. The announcer solemnly and skillfully read aloud an article jointly issued in the name of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, and the Council of Ministers of the USSR.

A Message to the Soviet People:

Dear comrades!

Today, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Soviet Union, and all the people of the Soviet Union have suffered heavy losses.

Comrade Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko, an outstanding party member and statesman, patriot and internationalist, and a fighter who bravely fought for the communist ideal and the cause of world peace, has passed away.

Today, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) held an emergency plenary session. The session discussed the election of a new General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Andrei Gromyko, on behalf of the Politburo, addressed the meeting, proposing the election of Mikhail Gorbachev as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

The plenary session unanimously elected Mikhail Gorbachev as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

Mikhail Gorbachev assured the Central Committee of the CPSU that he would devote himself wholeheartedly to serving the Party, the people, and the great cause of Leninism, ensuring the continued steady implementation of the CPSU's general line, further strengthening the Soviet economy and defense, improving the well-being of the Soviet people, consolidating peace, and tirelessly implementing the Leninist policies of the Communist Party and the Soviet state.

Vasily Kuznetsov was appointed acting chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet until the next session...

Slava listened to the announcement with practiced ease.

The wording was almost identical to that of the memorial sent two years ago when General An passed away: "an outstanding party member and statesman," "a heroic communist fighter," "a heavy loss," "serving the great cause of Leninism," "a great Marxist"...

The official vocabulary used by the alliance to commemorate the deceased General Secretary consists of only a few dozen words that are repeatedly rearranged and combined.

Regardless of who died, how they died, what they did while alive, or whether they did nothing at all, the same template is used to fill in their names.

Gromyko was nominated again, and the plenary session unanimously approved it to demonstrate party unity. Less than sixteen hours had passed between Comrade Chernenko's death and Gorbachev's election!

It took Andropov two days to officially take office after Brezhnev's death, and Chernenko four days after Andropov's death, but this time it only took sixteen hours—the whole process had been arranged before Chernenko's death, from Chazov's first phone call to Gromyko's nomination speech to the Politburo's unanimous approval, it was all a pre-rehearsed play!

The only thing we need to wait for is the moment when the curtain falls.