Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

Whether it's contracting, joint ventures, or leasing... it can be flexible. We haven't touched the root of socialist public ownership; we've merely opened up new avenues in the way it's managed.

Slava listened to him.

A brief murmur arose from the audience when this was read aloud. Ligachev, sitting in the front row, wore an expression that was hard to decipher—it was unclear whether it was dissatisfaction or helplessness.

He knew that the wording was credible, but he also knew that once this opening was made, no one could say for sure what might grow out of it.

"Perhaps the General Secretary is right. Every generation has its own revolution. Don't expect to finish everything for future generations in one go."

Thinking this, Ligachev smiled and nodded to the General Secretary on the stage.

The third amendment to the party platform is the establishment of a democratic system.

Slava couldn't offer Gorbachev's empty promises of democratization—Gorbachev's democratization resulted in a chaotic so-called People's Deputies that accelerated the Soviet Union's centrifugal movement. What he wanted was a controlled, operational Soviet democracy tied to information technology.

The new party platform states—

"The election of Soviet representatives at all levels will gradually adopt a competitive election system, and the national economic information system will be used to provide technical conditions for citizens to participate in economic decision-making."

This sentence may seem technical, but its subtext is revolutionary.

Information systems are not only planning tools, but also tools of democracy! Workers can provide feedback on production information through terminals, and consumer demand data can be directly entered into the planning system. This technological democracy avoids the sensitive topic of Western-style multi-party competition and provides a unique Soviet-style democratic path.

The fourth amendment to the Party Program concerns ethnic relations.

The old party platform contained statements that were standard self-deception: "De facto equality among all nationalities has been achieved" and "The national question has been basically resolved."

Gorbachev solved the problems and eventually the Soviet Union was destroyed.

Slava deleted all of these words, and the new article was changed to—

"In the process of socialist modernization, we will continue to promote the all-round development of all nationalities and cooperation and mutual assistance among them. Each constituent republic enjoys full economic and cultural autonomy within the legal framework of the Union of Nations."

The fifth amendment concerns foreign relations.

The international section of the old party platform was basically a framework of "two camps in confrontation" plus "support for national liberation movements," which Slava overturned.

"The main characteristics of the world today are peaceful development and international cooperation. The coexistence and competition of the two social systems will unfold in the arena of economic construction and technological progress, rather than in military confrontation. We will develop equal and mutually beneficial economic and technological cooperation with Third World countries."

It is not Gorbachev's "the interests of all mankind are above class interests"; Slava's wording is coexistence and competition.

The sixth amendment concerns science and education. It guarantees the independence of scientific research and academic freedom, preventing administrative interference from distorting scientific judgment. In education, it aims to cultivate socialist citizens with critical thinking skills and scientific literacy. Other amendments include social security, housing, and a range of other aspects.

Slava finished reading all the clauses of the revised plan.

The atmosphere in the hall fluctuated several times; some clauses elicited applause, some silence, and some brief discussions. Fortunately, none drew open opposition.

After the revised proposal was read out, the vote began.

Everyone raised their hands, and it was ultimately passed by an overwhelming majority.

Then Slava closed all the documents, looked up and addressed all the Central Committee members.

"Comrades, in conclusion, I would like to summarize this congress, this revised party program, and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union's commitment to the future of this country in one sentence—"

More than six thousand faces in the audience were watching him.

"By 2015, we will have built a prosperous, democratic, civilized, harmonious and beautiful socialist modern country."

This sentence was added by Director Nian. It was a sentence that remained after countless versions were written and countless versions were crossed out during the nights when they were drafting the party program.

There are still 25 years until 2015.

Is that enough? I don't know.

But the direction was set, and Slava believed he could lead the coalition to fulfill the party’s promises to the people.

Applause erupted from the audience. First, it came from one or two people, then from a row, then from the entire hall. The applause of six thousand people clapping together echoed under the dome of the Kremlin Grand Hall.

His era has begun.

Chapter 112 The Reorganization of the Politburo and the Gulf War

After the 28th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union concluded, in accordance with the procedures outlined in the Party Constitution, the Congress elected a new Central Committee and formulated a new list of full and alternate members.

Two weeks later, the newly elected Central Committee immediately convened its First Plenary Session to elect members and alternate members of the Politburo, members of the Secretariat, and to confirm the General Secretary.

Formally, this was a matter for the Central Committee itself—a decision made by a vote of several hundred members. In reality, the outcome had already been largely determined through behind-the-scenes negotiations before the congress.

Who would enter the Politburo, who would step down, who would be promoted from alternate to full member... these matters were decided one by one by Slava and a few key figures in their office. The vote at the First Plenary Session was merely the final step in completing these decisions.

The most important and unsurprising outcome was Slava's election as General Secretary of the CPSU.

There were more personnel changes in the rest of the Politburo.

First was Andrei Andreyevich Gromyko.

Gromyko's significance in the history of Soviet diplomacy is arguably that of a milestone. He served as Foreign Minister for nearly thirty years, starting in 1957, and was a veritable encyclopedia of Soviet diplomacy. Later, he became Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet—the head of state of the USSR. Slava, in order to counter Gorbachev, chose to strengthen the functions of the head of state, and the earlier revision of the party program also mentioned strengthening Soviet democracy. Therefore, the head of state was no longer a dispensable, nominal position.

Gromyko is 81 years old this year. Historically, he died in 1989 from a ruptured aortic aneurysm. On this timeline, it seems that both his own future and the future of the league are steadily improving, which greatly reduced his psychological pressure. His body held on for more than a year before problems began to occur.

Two months ago, Gromyko underwent a medical check-up on Slava's advice, and the results showed that the abdominal aortic aneurysm that had previously cost him his life had reappeared.

So he naturally chose to retire.

His best student, Nian Dao, served as the Soviet Minister of Foreign Affairs, managing his political legacy of more than thirty years in an orderly manner.

The new General Secretary of the Alliance has his own approach to both foreign and domestic affairs, and the Alliance is thriving, with the international environment getting better and better.

Soviet democracy, which had once seemed increasingly distant from the Soviet Union, showed signs of revival, with the 28th Party Congress proposing a new party program that made promoting Soviet democracy a national policy....

Now that he has no worries about the future, Gromyko has never been idle since he started working in diplomacy during the Truman era. He has served the alliance for so many years, so it is normal for him to retire and go home, right?

Among the many cadres in the Politburo and the Central Committee who have requested retirement "due to health reasons" over the years, Gromyko is the only one who genuinely retired for this reason.

On July 24, Gromyko had his last conversation with Slava, and the next day at a regular Politburo meeting, he submitted his retirement application, which Slava signed and approved, and that was how he passed away.

After Gromyko's departure, the position of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet became vacant. Logically, the most natural successor was Vorotnikov. He was highly experienced—he entered the Politburo in 1983 and was Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Federation—essentially the Prime Minister of the Russian Federation.

Vorotnikov was mediocre in ability, lacked political ambition, and remained distant from all factions. When moderate reformists plotted a coup against Gorbachev and tried to recruit him, he remained neutral, siding with whoever was most powerful.

This kind of person is perfect for promotion. Moving him from the powerful position of Prime Minister of the Russian Federation to the position of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Union would be good for everyone, and it would also allow Slava to replace the Prime Minister of the Russian Federation with one of his own.

Koslava did not choose Vorotnikov.

Because the Party program at the 28th Party Congress called for strengthening the supervisory function of Soviets at all levels over administrative organs. If he truly intends to promote the democratization of the Soviets, then the position of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet should not be merely a figurehead! It should be a position with real power, capable of truly presiding over Soviet legislation and supervisory work.

A figurehead needs a mediocre person. A Soviet with real power needs someone who understands law, institutional design, and can translate political intentions into legislative procedures.

So Slava chose Anatoly Ivanovich Lukyanov.

His identity is somewhat sensitive. Although he is a professional who graduated from the Faculty of Law at Moscow State University, he was an old classmate of Gorbachev. He worked for many years in the administrative departments of the Central Committee in the 1980s and became a Secretary of the Central Committee in 1987.

He was one of the very few people in the Soviet leadership who truly understood the constitution and state law. If Slava wanted to implement Soviet reforms effectively—amending relevant constitutional provisions, implementing competitive elections, and strengthening the Soviets' legislative and supervisory powers—he needed someone capable of doing these things in that position.

Lukyanov was this person. At the First Plenum, he was officially promoted from alternate member to member of the Politburo and assumed the position of head of state.

The second change at the First Plenum was the appointment of Nazarbayev as an alternate member of the Politburo. Nazarbayev is the Prime Minister of Kazakhstan.

The First Secretary of Kazakhstan remains Kunayev. Kunayev was reinstated after the 1986 Almaty incident, but he is simply too old—almost 90! He really shouldn't stay any longer!

Slava decided to first promote Nazarbayev to the position of alternate member, and then wait for a suitable opportunity for Kunayev to retire due to health reasons. At that time, Nazarbayev would be the most natural candidate to succeed as the First Secretary of Kazakhstan, and at the same time be promoted from alternate to full member.

Nazarbayev is a capable and ambitious man, a double-edged sword. He is young, pragmatic, and competent, having spent twenty years working in Kazakhstan's industrial system, and has his own understanding of the ethnic issues in Central Asia.

More importantly—he's not the kind of person who would cause division, which is very important to Slava.

The third change was the promotion of Romanov from alternate member to full member.

Grigory Vasilyevich Romanov, a former Politburo member, was ousted during Gorbachev's era. Slava later brought him back, initially placing him as an alternate member, and now Romanov has been promoted to full member and assigned to oversee the military industry.

Slava's military-industrial reforms in recent years have affected too many interests within the military-industrial complex. Those in the military-industrial system whose interests have been threatened need someone they "recognize" to manage them.

When Romanov was in power in Leningrad, he dealt with the military-industrial complex for many years. He was tough enough to keep things under control. Most importantly, Romanov was loyal to Slava—he owes his current position entirely to Slava's intervention!

In the selection of the First Secretary of Ukraine, Slava replaced the mediocre Ivashko with Kachera, bringing Kachera into the Politburo. Ivashko had served as the First Secretary of the Dnipropetrovsk Regional Committee of the Communist Party of China until Sherbitsky was ousted by Gorbachev.

However, he lacks personal charisma and independent political resources, while Kachera has been the second secretary of the Communist Party of Ukraine since 1982, in charge of the economy. The only slightly problematic aspect is that he was in charge of industrial and agricultural modernization under Sherbitsky, which is a somewhat sensitive aspect of his resume.

But Slava didn't care about that. There were plenty of old cadres who had grudges against him. How many people had he offended in all those years of reform? These young cadres could only get promoted by pleasing these old Dengs, and inevitably they would be labeled as the old Dengs' cronies.

Slava needs capable young cadres. Ukraine is the most important grain-producing region in the Union, and he will continue to promote economic reforms in Ukraine and integrate Ukraine's heavy industry and agriculture into the information system. He needs a technocratic cadre.

Kachera was deeply grateful for this and, after the Politburo meeting, repeatedly expressed his loyalty to Slava, saying that he would fully implement the central government's policies and make Ukraine a model republic of the Union.

As of the end of July 1990, the Politburo personnel composition was as follows:

Velikoslav Ivanovich Ivanov – General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Supreme Leader; Slava's greatness needs no further explanation.

Ligachev – Secretary of the Central Secretariat, in charge of ideology and cadre work.

Ryzhkov – Chairman of the Council of Ministers (Prime Minister) of the USSR, in charge of the entire government administration and economic operations.

Lukyanov – Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

Chebrikov – Chairman of the State Security Committee (KGB).

Nadezhda Ivanovna Ivanova – still serving as the Soviet Foreign Minister.

Aliyev – First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, former First Secretary of Azerbaijan, entered the central government during the Andropov era, and is a veteran KGB politician.

Vorotnikov – Chairman of the Council of Ministers (Prime Minister) of the Russian Federation, who manages the day-to-day administration of the largest constituent republic.

Kunayev—the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan—is about to leave.

Kachella – First Secretary of the Communist Party of Ukraine, who ruled the second largest republic in the Soviet Union.

Solomentsev – Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union’s Inspectorate, in charge of party discipline inspection, and secretary of the Discipline Inspection Commission.

Romanov – Secretary of the Central Committee, in charge of defense industry and military industry, First Secretary of the Leningrad Regional Committee.

The personnel changes in the Politburo were complete, but Slava continued to replace veteran cadres. Taking advantage of the momentum of reforms and the peak of his political capital granted by the Congress, he immediately turned his attention to the military.

For the past few years, Ogarkov has been pushing forward with military reforms with Slava's support. But progress has been difficult—every step touches on the interests of senior military leaders, and every step involves battling bureaucratic inertia.

The time has come. The 28th Party Congress has just concluded, the Party Program has just been revised, and the Politburo has just undergone a reshuffle. The military-industrial complex, after several years of restructuring, is far less powerful than before. Romanov has just been promoted to a full member, sitting in a military-industrial position working for Slava.

Ogarkov can finally remove the Air Defense Force from the organizational structure.

The Soviet Air Defense Forces had been an independent service for several decades, with its own commander-in-chief, its own military academy system, and its own military procurement channels. In recent years, Ogarkov had been integrating the Air Defense Forces, and the Air Defense Forces had in fact been gradually incorporated into the command systems of various theaters of war.

The Air Defense Forces have now been formally placed under the command structure of each theater command. The Air Defense Forces General Headquarters has been disbanded.

With the support of Defense Minister Sokolov, the technical solutions of Chief of the General Staff Ogarkov, and the cooperation of military industry director Romanov, the Soviet military's three-pronged approach to reform was unstoppable!

After the air defense was resolved, Slava then moved on to the Army Commander-in-Chief and the Minister of Logistics.

The army was targeted because the Army Commander-in-Chief was still clinging to outdated operational thinking and unwilling to cooperate with Ogarkov's further reforms of the army.

Ogarkov's core idea was that the Soviet Union should have the capability to conduct conventional precision strikes throughout the entire theater of operations, without having to rely on nuclear weapons for a preemptive strike.

His reforms aimed to achieve three things: First, information-based command—establishing a command system from the General Staff to the theater command to the division level, replacing paper orders and telephone communications with computers and communication networks.

Second, unified command of theater commands—the army, air force, air defense force, and navy are organized into strategic direction commands within a specific theater command, under the unified command of a single theater commander, replacing the previous pattern of each service operating independently.

Third, conventional precision strike system – develop reconnaissance and strike complexes to replace some nuclear strike missions with long-range conventional precision weapons.

Since the Army Commander-in-Chief was unwilling to cooperate, then if the mindset wasn't changing, the person would be! Slava then replaced him with a younger general who had performed outstandingly in the theater reform pilot program and understood information warfare.

Then comes the Minister of General Logistics.

The logistics system within the Soviet Army was a vast, independent kingdom. The current Minister of General Logistics has been in office for many years, and the decades of corruption and inefficiency accumulated within the logistics system are an open secret. The deepening of information technology reforms into the logistics field will inevitably open that black box.

Romanov was very supportive of this, as he was all too aware of the shady dealings in military logistics, since the military-industrial enterprises he oversaw were the recipients of military procurement. Consequently, the Minister of General Logistics was dismissed for serious errors in his work, and within the following year, a large number of high-ranking officers in the Logistics Department and the Army were gradually replaced. The investigation into military corruption continues.

------

1990 8 Month 2 Day.

Slava was in his office reviewing a report on the progress of the assimilation of Japanese-owned businesses in the Far East Special Economic Zone.

Suddenly, the phone rang, and the secretary pushed open the door and solemnly handed over a telegram.

"What's wrong?" Slava looked up.

"Comrade General Secretary, Iraq declared war on Kuwait forty minutes ago!"

“Didn’t Saddam tell us he was going to start recuperating after the Iran-Iraq War?! Damn it, that bastard!” Slava took a deep breath and picked up the telegram.

"The Gulf War... I wonder if the US military will land on the shore." He rubbed his temples.

The main reason Iraq attacked Kuwait was money. The Iran-Iraq War lasted eight years, leaving Iraq with a huge amount of foreign debt, two-thirds of which was owed to the Soviet Union, and approximately $140 billion to Kuwait.

Saddam Hussein dared not ask the Soviet Union for debt relief, so he bullied Kuwait: "I have blocked the Iranian revolution from spreading to the entire Arab world! You should forgive our debts!"

Kuwait disagrees.

In the aftermath of the 1988 war, Iraq desperately needed high oil prices to revive its economy, but Kuwait consistently exceeded its OPEC quotas, driving down international oil prices. Saddam Hussein viewed this as an economic war waged by Kuwait against Iraq. He also accused Kuwait of taking advantage of Iraq's preoccupation with the Iran-Iraq War to illegally extract Iraqi oil by drilling at an angle in the Rumaila oil field along the disputed border between the two countries.