Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

In another room, Foreign Minister Qian Qichen was meeting with Director Nian's diplomatic team.

When Deng Xixian came out, Slava stood up to greet him. The two looked at each other and nodded. Then Slava extended his hand, and Deng Xixian also extended his hand. The two walked closer and shook hands.

The two exchanged a few pleasantries. Deng Xixian asked Slava if the journey was alright, if he had eaten, and if he was satisfied with his accommodation. Slava answered all of these questions.

Then Deng Xixian mentioned some recent events. He said it very briefly: "Young people have some ideas, which is understandable, but they can't act recklessly."

He did not elaborate on this.

"Regarding this recent matter, I have a suggestion that may be premature."

Deng Xixian looked at him.

"Someone should be held accountable for this. The grievances that have accumulated to this day did not come out of thin air, and those who made these decisions should bear responsibility for their consequences."

He paused for a moment.

“Leadership has always been held by the most capable,” Slava said. “Perhaps you could reconsider.”

This statement was made with great restraint, and it wasn't just an implication to replace Zhao Ziyang.

Deng Xixian did not answer immediately after hearing this. He picked up his teacup, took a sip, and then smiled: "Comrade Ivanov, we will discuss your suggestion carefully."

He paused for a moment.

"After all, this is an internal affair of our country."

Once the words "internal affairs" were uttered, outsiders had no further room to say anything. Deng Xixian's sense of proportion in navigating between action and retreat was extremely precise.

Slava nodded and didn't say anything more. Then the two turned to the main business of the visit.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

Slava brought up three topics this time.

The first is to learn from the experience of the special economic zones.

Deng Xixian was very interested in the Soviet Union's establishment of special economic zones in the Far East, because it was Zhong Yao who first started this system.

In 1980, Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Shantou and Xiamen became special economic zones. Now, almost ten years later, Lao Zhong has accumulated a wealth of experience in these zones—how to attract foreign investment, how to manage them, how to handle the relationship between the special economic zones and the mainland, and how to prevent them from becoming "concessions." These experiences are invaluable.

Although the Soviet Union established the Far East Special Zones primarily to attract Japanese investment rather than for market-oriented reforms, it had absolutely no experience in this area. Its decades-long planned economy had never dealt with foreign capital in this way before.

How to manage, how to prevent, how to let foreign investment in without letting it eat up the principal – the Soviets were feeling their way along, not knowing where to begin.

Slava frankly said that the Soviet Union hoped to learn from Lao Zhong's experience. Deng Xixian nodded and said that the Soviet Union could send representatives to the special zone to conduct on-site inspections.

He knew perfectly well that by establishing special economic zones in the Far East to attract Japanese investment, the Soviet Union was, geographically speaking, competing with China for Japanese investment. If Japanese factories that were planning to relocate overseas moved to the Soviet Far East, they wouldn't move to China.

This is a competitive relationship.

But Deng Xixian also knew that Japan was destined to be harvested by the US and the Soviet Union, and that Japan's bubble would burst sooner or later.

Rather than letting the Soviet Union mess things up and create a mess on its own, it would be better to proactively help the Soviet Union to improve its special economic zones. The better the Soviet special economic zones were, the more Japanese investment they would attract, and the more Japanese industries the Soviet Union would benefit from when the bubble burst. This would also have a positive reference effect on domestic reforms, which would be good for everyone.

“We can share our experience from the Special Economic Zones. If you don’t mind, we can send a few cadres who have worked in the Special Economic Zones to your Far East for a period of time to help you sort things out.”

The second topic – Japan.

This was an unspoken understanding between the two sides. China and the Soviet Union shared a common interest in the Japan issue: to make the Japanese bubble burst more completely and to seize more Japanese industry. As for the issue of Japanese armed forces, China seemed to already have its own plan, believing that this matter could be discussed after the Japanese bubble burst.

China was aware of the Soviet Union's strategic deployment in the Far East. China itself was also doing something similar—attracting Japanese industries, especially in electronics and auto parts.

The two sides quickly reached a tacit understanding on some specific coordination: in terms of introducing Japanese investment, China and the Soviet Union would not undercut each other or engage in vicious competition; when it came time to reap the rewards, each side would take its own share and not compete with the other.

But this was just a verbal agreement; when it came to the actual implementation... well, everyone had to use their own unique methods.

The third topic – Taiwan.

Slava's stance on this matter was very clear. The Soviet Union supported the one-China principle and understood and respected China's commitment not to renounce the use of force to reclaim territory. This point had already been stated in the recent Sino-Soviet declaration on friendly relations.

But Deng Xixian wanted more than just a statement; he wanted something substantial.

At this time, Lao Zhong's military strength was insufficient to achieve a forced unification by force. Having a sword but not using it and not having a sword and being unable to use it are two different concepts. At this time, the United States was selling everything due to the Great Depression. Not long ago, Lee Teng-hui, who had recently come to power in Taiwan, reportedly obtained approval from the US Congress for 15 F-16s to join Taiwan in the future, which would create a generational suppression on the PLA's current aircraft.

In recent years, Lao Zhong has drastically cut military spending, resulting in many outdated weapons. However, if the Soviet Union were willing to open up some arms sales, Lao Zhong might be able to accelerate his progress and achieve a leapfrog development.

Slava did not answer the question about the arms sale on the spot. The arms sale was being conducted in another room, where General Yazov was leading the Soviet arms sales team in discussions with Chinese military representatives.

...

In the next room, General Yazov was going over each project with the Chinese military representative.

Yazov brought a very strong team—representatives from the Air Force, Navy, and defense industry. On the Chinese side, their counterparts were also powerful figures from each branch of the military.

The air force part was negotiated the fastest, with the Soviet Union providing Su-27 fighter jets.

The Su-27 is probably one of the best things the Soviet Union could produce in recent years. This twin-engine heavy air superiority fighter has a long range and high maneuverability. It represents a qualitative leap for the Chinese Air Force.

老钟空军目前的主力还是歼7和歼6，歼8在88年10月才刚刚定型，跟苏27差一代。拿到苏27，老钟空军在台海方向的制空能力就是另一个级别了。

There were virtually no obstacles between the two sides on this point. The Soviet Union was willing to sell, China was eager to buy, and the price was easy to negotiate.

There were more projects in the naval sector, with the Soviet Union willing to provide destroyers and submarines.

The destroyers are Sovremenny-class destroyers—one of the most capable surface warships exported by the Soviet Union in recent years. The Chinese Navy's surface fleet is currently relatively weak; if these Sovremenny-class destroyers were in place, its sea control capabilities in the Taiwan Strait would be significantly enhanced.

The submarine is one of the quietest models in the Kilo-class diesel-electric submarines, known in the West as the "Black Hole of the Ocean." It is particularly effective in shallow waters, such as the Taiwan Strait.

These issues have been largely finalized. There was some back-and-forth between the two sides regarding price, delivery time, and the extent of technology transfer, but they did not disagree on the overall direction.

Then the topic of aircraft carriers came up.

The representative of the Chinese Navy was Liu Huaqing.

Liu Huaqing was the leading figure in the modernization of the Chinese Navy, known as the father of the modern Chinese navy, and the most steadfast and earliest advocate of China's aircraft carrier dream. He proposed very early on that China must build aircraft carriers—a great power, a navy that speaks in the Pacific, cannot function without them!

"I will not rest in peace until we build an aircraft carrier!" That's what he said.

Sitting here today, aside from the usual things like Su-27s, destroyers, and submarines, all he can think about is aircraft carriers.

Yazov's side also knew that the Chinese side would bring this up.

"Regarding aircraft carriers," Yazov began, "our situation is this—the Soviet Union itself currently only has a limited aircraft carrier force. The Kuznetsov aircraft carrier has not yet achieved combat capability and has already been reserved by the Northern Fleet; the Varyag was only launched in November 1988 and is currently being outfitted on the slipway, and is expected to be assigned to the Pacific Fleet upon completion. We cannot provide you with aircraft carriers in the modern sense."

Historically, the Soviet Union built many aircraft-carrying cruisers, such as the four Kiev-class ships: Kiev (1975), Minsk (1978), Novorossiysk (1982), and Baku (1987).

These four ships have a displacement of approximately 4 tons and carry Yak-38 vertical takeoff and landing fighters and various types of helicopters. However, the Yak-38 has poor performance—short range, small payload, and low reliability—and basically lacks true fleet air defense and ground attack capabilities.

The forward section of the Kiev-class carrier deck is also equipped with a large number of anti-ship missiles. In essence, this type of aircraft carrier is a hybrid of a "missile cruiser + helicopter/vertical takeoff and landing aircraft carrier", which is completely different from the concept of the American supercarrier.

The Kuznetsov-class aircraft carriers truly propelled the Soviet Union toward traditional aircraft carriers. The lead ship, the Admiral Kuznetsov, was laid down in 1985 and commissioned in 1990. It had a full-load displacement of approximately 6 tons, used a ski-jump takeoff deck instead of steam catapults, and carried Su-33s and MiG-29Ks.

This was the Soviet Union's first aircraft carrier capable of launching and recovering conventional fixed-wing fighter jets, representing a significant leap in combat capability compared to the Kiev-class. Leaving aside the question of whether the Soviet Union would sell its most advanced aircraft carrier to Zhong, the Soviet Union itself hadn't even used this carrier yet, so why would it care about Zhong?

The second ship of the Kuznetsov class, the Varyag, was started in the late 80s at the Black Sea Shipyard in Ukraine. When the Soviet Union collapsed, it was about 68% complete, but was never finished. It was later purchased by China and converted into the Liaoning.

Liu Huaqing remained silent.

Yazov said, "However, we can offer another option—an aircraft-carrying cruiser. We have some earlier models, if the Chinese are interested—"

Liu Huaqing was somewhat disappointed. The design concept of this ship was a unique Soviet product, a deformed product squeezed out by various compromises and dogmas. It wanted to be both an aircraft carrier and a cruiser, but ended up failing to achieve the best in either.

Even the Soviet Navy itself didn't really want it, and neither did Old Zhong.

What China wants is a real aircraft carrier, a regular aircraft carrier like the Kuznetsov, capable of launching conventional carrier-based aircraft via catapult or ski-jump and supporting long-range fleet operations!

Liu Huaqing knew that China's navy would eventually move towards blue waters, and without aircraft carriers, it would be unable to venture out.

Giving him a few aircraft-carrying cruisers would just add a few more floating helicopter platforms to the nearshore waters.

That wasn't his dream, nor was it the dream of the Chinese Navy.

"General Yazov, if I may be so bold, aircraft-carrying cruisers are not what we need."

Yazov was not surprised at all; he probably guessed that Liu Huaqing would say that.

"To be honest, what we need is a proper aircraft carrier, like the Varyag. We don't expect the Soviet Union to sell us an active aircraft carrier; we hope to cooperate with the Soviet Union on the construction of the aircraft carrier, whether it's technology or craftsmanship."

Yazov shook his head: "No country would sell an aircraft carrier that is about to enter service to anyone else. Moreover, aircraft carrier technology is a core national secret, which involves national defense security. It is unlikely that we will cooperate with you on technology. Please understand this, General Liu."

Liu Huaqing remained silent. He understood, but understanding did not equate to acceptance.

At this moment, Director Nian came in.

Director Nian just came from the meeting room on the diplomatic side. She finished her talks with Foreign Minister Qian Qichen and came to check on the progress of the arms sales.

When she entered, she sensed the atmosphere in the room—Yazov's expression was normal, but Liu Huaqing's resentment was practically written all over his face.

Director Nian sat down in the chair next to Liu Huaqing.

"General Liu, let me say a few more words about the aircraft carrier."

Liu Huaqing looked at her.

"Building an aircraft carrier requires more than just technology and raw materials. The reason why aircraft carriers are toys for major powers is because there are too many things needed to build them."

Let me tell you this: to complete the Varyag, which is still on the slipway, we need nine defense industry sectors, more than 600 related specialties, and more than 8000 supporting manufacturers. This is not something you can do just by selling you technology or ships.

"Ten years for the army, a hundred years for the navy; you have a long way to go. Avoid being impatient for quick results. The Soviet Union made too many mistakes with such crucial national assets; don't repeat our errors."

Liu Huaqing nodded without saying a word.

"But!" Director Nian suddenly changed the subject, "There is one thing we can do."

Liu Huaqing raised his eyes.

"We can help you with the training of carrier-based pilots first," Director Nian said with a smile.

“Those pilots who can take off from the aircraft carrier deck and fight over the ocean are very important. It takes several years to train such a group of pilots, and the earlier you start training them, the better. When you finally have an aircraft carrier in the future, you won’t have to wait from scratch.”

She said, "The Soviet Union can accept Chinese pilots and let them fly our carrier-based aircraft at our training base first. If our cooperation deepens further, we will also let your pilots practice ski-jump takeoffs and landings on the deck of the Kuznetsov. Your pilots can learn first, and when the ship arrives, the pilots will arrive as well. We are happy to help you take this step."

Liu Huaqing was very grateful for the Soviet Union's willingness to cooperate, although he was still somewhat unwilling—he was already 73 years old! It is rare for a person to reach the age of seventy, how many more years could he continue to wait?

PS: Liu Huaqing passed away in 2011 at the age of 95.

Director Nian saw through his thoughts and said softly, "General Liu, the world is undergoing profound changes unseen in a century, and the Cold War cannot continue forever."

"If—I mean if one day, the situation changes, and the world order changes in ways we can't even imagine today."

Under those circumstances, the Soviet Union needed China as a reliable backing for the socialist camp.

She paused for a moment.

"In that situation, many things that are impossible today may become possible."

Perhaps one day in the future, the Soviet Union's strategic needs will change, and at that time, things like aircraft carriers, which are impossible to sell today, may become negotiable.

As for when and under what circumstances that day will be, that's a matter for the future.

Liu Huaqing stood up and extended his hand: "Thank you for the friendship of our Soviet socialist brothers!"

Director Nian shook hands with him.

"May the friendship between China and the Soviet Union last forever."

Chapter 103 Shinzo Abe's Conspiracy

On May 27, the crowd gathered in the square finally dispersed.

This is much more respectable than on the other timeline. Zhao Ziyang announced his resignation on May 25, stating publicly that he was "resigning from all positions due to health reasons."

It seems that wherever Slava goes on his official visit, he follows the Soviet-style reasons for retirement.

Whether Zhao Ziyang heeded Slava's hints is unknown, and the details behind the scenes, such as Zhao's roar as he lunged at the dwarf only to be pinned to the ground, and his subsequent confinement and transfer to Qingcheng Prison, will not be officially revealed. In short, the final result is that he went down there, and his fate is unknown.

The protests gradually subsided after news of Zhao Ziyang's resignation spread. Meanwhile, Deng Xixian made some concessions to the conservatives—he agreed to allow the purge of liberals and radical reformers who had risen to power since Zhao Ziyang's arrival. The conservatives, in turn, stepped in to help clean up the mess, promising some of their demands, including economic recovery and workplace democracy.

Thus, after achieving some of their objectives, the culprit resigning, and seeing the clear stance of the central government, the marchers in the square chose to disperse under the persuasion of various parties.

There were virtually no bloodshed incidents.

On the one hand, the scale of the protests on this timeline was smaller than on the other. The United States was mired in the Great Depression, and the liberal forces supported by American funding, as well as the channels through which Voice of America and Radio Free Asia disseminated Western democratic narratives, all shrank. Meanwhile, the Soviet Union's rise led the United States to focus more of its ideological infiltration efforts on the northern superpower.

This made the mainstream voice of the protests more left-leaning, and the demands were much milder than those for overthrowing one-party rule, giving the central government more room to maneuver.

On the other hand, Zhao Ziyang's resignation provided a way out for all parties. Those in the square could say, "We've won half the battle—we've ousted the corrupt, radical reformist leader!" The central government could say, "We listened to the people's opinions and made personnel adjustments." Both sides had a plausible narrative, avoiding a complete breakdown in relations.

Finally, there's the international environment. The Soviet General Secretary had just visited Beijing, and the whole world was watching the normalization of Sino-Soviet relations. Under this spotlight, any bloodshed would damage China's international image, and China certainly didn't want to see scenes of "PLA troops storming into Tiananmen Square to suppress the Soviet leader as soon as he left."

The incident officially subsided on May 29th.

The Soviet Union issued a brief statement on this matter: Socialist brothers should unite with each other and be vigilant against the infiltration and subversion of capitalist ideology.

These words were spoken by the Soviet Union, as the current leader of the socialist camp, to the world. The Soviet Union set the tone for this event as a disagreement on reform paths within the socialist camp, while also implying that Western capitalist forces were behind the protests.

This can be seen as the Soviet Union shielding China from some international criticism.