Yes, Prime Minister of Japan
Page 968
The Ryukyuans raised their hands, saying, "We Ryukyuans are politically correct too!"
Look at me!
In the office of the Chief Cabinet Secretary, Takajo Mayuki unplugged her phone line, sighing wearily:
"Sigh, these days, just getting a name made is enough to get tens of thousands of phone calls bombarding my office from all over the world."
Chapter 948: The British Empire 1984, May Takajo - Remove Your Account (4000 words)
"There's a spy!"
Inside the theater, cameras chased after people; several policemen were in pursuit, and several foreigners were on the run.
This is the filming location for the new series.
In this episode of "The Story of a Female Prime Minister," the core issue is a classic espionage case.
While Tokyo police were dispersing couples having sex in a small park, they accidentally arrested a foreigner who was then identified as a Russian spy. At this time, Li Xinghe, representing the vice ministers, submitted a new defense intelligence plan, which caused a series of disturbances.
As the newly elected female prime minister, Haru questioned her vice minister Lee Sung-ha about how to resolve the issue.
Li Xinghe stated:
"Russia is so powerful, but we have the latest AI surveillance technology to fight back."
"They have tanks."
Li Xinghe continued to ramble:
"Tanks are useless. In fact, we have a more advanced camera network that can track the movements of the Russian army in all directions."
Haru reads according to the script:
"Monitoring Russian military movements in the heart of Tokyo? If that's the case, then what's the point of national defense?"
She didn't really understand the script, but she grasped the general meaning. It was a satire of the Ministry of National Defense for focusing its efforts on monitoring citizens.
Lee Sung-ha eloquently pays homage to "The Prime Minister":
"No, we're just making people think we're protecting them. We're not."
At this moment, seeing Li Xinghe pacing around, Sasaki Nozomi, as his secretary, stepped forward and expressed a firm stance:
"Then why add AI identity verification and camera surveillance to the public?"
Li Xinghe then gave a humorous response that covered the entire situation:
"Because we need to strike first. Find the people before they rebel! You can't wait until the mob storms the Cabinet Office before standing on the balcony and saying 'Hallo' to them, can you? Or let them use their own pliers to crack open the bureaucrats' foreheads and find nothing inside, can you?"
Nozomi Sasaki and Haru pressed for answers together:
"So you admit that this plan is used to monitor the public?"
Li Xinghe shrugged, seemingly unfazed by the revelation of the details in the national defense strategy documents, and revealed a mysterious smile:
Yes, or no.
On the surface, it is Li Xinghe, who is backed by the United States, who is suppressing Haru, who plays the role of the prime minister, and Sasaki Nozomi, the prime minister's secretary.
But the plot suddenly takes a turn.
The call from the US demanding accountability prompted Li Xinghe's secretary to urgently contact him.
"My God, they're not Russians, they're from America."
As a result, Li Xinghe, who played the role of the chief affairs deputy, suddenly displayed a wide range of expressions, combining panic, fear, rejection, and apprehension.
He hurriedly called the police station: "What Americans? They must be Russians! You can't even tell the difference between English and Russian... That makes perfect sense! After all, both Russian and English are based on the Latin alphabet. Anyway, send these wretched Russians back to America... I mean, back to Russia."
This is blatant lying, but it vividly demonstrates the deep fear and reluctance to speak about the United States, as well as the international situation where Russia is forced to take all the blame.
Thus, this episode concludes with an O. Henry-esque ending.
Because it was a situational comedy, many audience members were invited to the scene, and everyone laughed together; the laughter was also recorded in the program.
"A very good performance."
Misato held her son with a sense of relief, feeling that he had completely inherited her acting genes.
Off-screen, Li Xinghe is the main controller of the Asia-Pacific Consortium, a king, and the Prime Minister of Japan; on-screen, Li Xinghe is all talk and no action, gloating when he talks about deceiving the public, and hastily changing the facts when he mentions the US sending people. His cunning and shamelessness are intertwined, making the audience laugh out loud.
This can be considered a unique way of sharing joy with the people.
Everyone was happy, but the Ministry of Foreign Affairs felt immense pressure and hurriedly sent someone to secretly discuss the matter with Li Xinghe:
"Isn't it a bit inappropriate to broadcast such content? I'm afraid the UK will send a letter of protest."
Li Xinghe deliberately smiled:
"I didn't mock Britain."
Foreign Ministry officials were quite helpless, and had nothing to say as they watched Li Xinghe act shamelessly.
Who are you going to laugh at? Is there even a question?
That must be Britain.
Chasing away lovers in a small park—isn't that a veiled reference to the history of British police arresting homosexuals in parks? Back then, homosexuality was a crime in Britain. The rest of the script is almost entirely based on numerous historical stories from Britain.
Although it doesn't mention Britain at all, it criticizes Britain in every aspect.
Foreign Ministry officials could only plead with Li Xinghe:
"Although you didn't mention a specific country, do you think the viewers of this TV series don't know who you're mocking? Please, could you at least make this script a little more fictional?"
Who can blame them when Britain has so many laughs?
In recent years, Britain has indeed entered a state of reverse, returning to the state of the Cold War era.
You can't say the British lack foresight; they have a unique perspective when observing changes in the international situation and are often adept at grasping the core issues—after all, they've been the balancers of Europe for centuries. However, you also can't deny that the British are quite unscrupulous.
When it comes to the topic of inhumanity, Britain has always been able to take it to the extreme.
Li Xinghe's smile faded, and he gave a serious critique:
"For years, the UK has repeatedly released its National Security Strategy and Strategic Defence Review. While ostensibly it talks about defending against China and Russia, it actually focuses on its own island defense strategy, investing in AI and electronic surveillance and tracking systems, and increasing cameras to establish a comprehensive surveillance system. These things don't seem to be aimed at opposing China at all; they're more like monitoring their own people. This old fascist approach is unacceptable. What's wrong with me laughing?"
Anyone with a discerning eye will realize that while Britain appears to be issuing a defense strategy, it is actually strengthening its government's oversight and control over the island societies of Britain.
Although the British always talk about "defending against the Far East threat," "sending troops to the Far East," and "dispatching an aircraft carrier fleet," those who have seen Britain's actual performance can only laugh and mock that Britain only sends some old, weak, and incompetent warships to the South China Sea to cause trouble.
In reality, sending troops to Asia to provoke conflict is just Britain's usual nonsense. What it really hides is their increasing domestic oversight, especially their contingency plans for a strong crackdown on increasingly turbulent societies.
Increasing the island's defense capabilities simply means expanding the presence of second-line military forces. (The rest of the text appears to be nonsensical and unrelated to the main topic.)
Investing in AI systems and engaging in so-called AI prediction and tracking is actually more akin to establishing an ideological surveillance and control mechanism, using AI detection to locate and track down potential anti-government individuals nationwide.
Expanding the surveillance network with even larger cameras for comprehensive monitoring and so-called electronic surveillance and tracking would essentially turn the British Isles into an island prison, with the cameras and electronic surveillance acting as the electronic eyes of the prison walls to monitor the thoughts and concerns of the island's inhabitants.
In comparison, more abstract measures, such as the UK's 'knife registration control order' and the reinstatement of the 'gathering of 12 people is considered a crime' crowd control order, are merely routine riot control measures for a purely capitalist country that still retains mounted police and launches motorcycle raids on the public whenever possible.
This island nation embodies the most primitive form of capitalism, retaining not only the cruelty and shamelessness of early capitalism but also a strong stench of feudal remnants.
As an overseas island, it can cut off a large amount of overseas information and build itself into an island prison.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs officials were helpless and could only complain:
"Although it was old fascist, it was still Britain, with which we had many diplomatic relations."
Scholars who understand Japan's path to fascism know that what Japan learned from Britain was not just concentration camps, but also information control, thought police supervision, preventative arrests of communists, and conscription of disobedient people to the front lines to die. These old methods were advanced riot control methods created by the British.
Therefore, in the 30s, Japan gradually imprisoned communists, socialists, and even Nazis, tortured and killed a large number of people who dared to resist, and then used strong news control to block the eyes and ears of everyone on the island and control their minds, thus establishing a militaristic order.
Isn't this just like Orwell's 1984?
Indeed, that's exactly what the British Empire was like—openly implementing national prison reforms. George Orwell's *1984* was a novel based on Britain. The United States and the Soviet Union found it laughable, but only the British government was truly struck where it hurt.
This time, the British Empire did indeed write a letter of protest.
Furthermore, this part of the storyline that was broadcast on British online platforms was also cut.
……
Back in the office, Gao Tiao Wuyue hugged Li Xinghe and poured out her troubles:
"Although the UK might only send a protest letter, the protests from all over the country have almost overwhelmed my office."
Poor little Gao Tiao May couldn't withstand such enormous national pressure and had to pull the plug herself.
Zhang Xiaoqian, who was helping to solve the problem, smiled and said:
"Now everyone is writing letters and making a fuss, both inside and outside the coalition, and they've been bombarding the coalition's official website and the phone lines of Kojo May with calls."
"Then tell me, how do you plan to solve this?"
Li Xinghe had just learned that the naming of the ships had caused such a heated argument in the three East Asian countries that it was almost a civil war (exaggeration).
Zhang Xiaoqian's serious suggestion:
"Let's consider this. This Japanese ship should be called the Ryukyu. After all, Ryukyu is the only semi-autonomous entity. We can't be denied a spot."
That's one way to do it.
Following his train of thought, Li Xinghe replied:
“If we follow this line of thinking, then the naming rights for South Korea should be given to Jeju Island, which is completely autonomous.”
Zhang Xiaoqian also admitted that this line of thinking was rather isolated:
"Yes, China can only choose Taiwan. It just so happens that it is the first anniversary of Taiwan's return to China, which is a good time for political networking."
If it's going to be a political commemoration, then let's go all the way with it.
They could come up with a politically correct solution by associating the names of the three island regions between China, Japan, and South Korea that have separatist issues with these countries.
This is not the best solution, but it is the most convenient way to resolve the current public opinion controversy.
After Li Xinghe nodded, he allowed Zhang Xiaoqian to announce the plan to the public.
Soon after, the Allied Forces announced the naming of the second batch, which was also the last batch of battleships in the world:
"Taiwan, Okinawa, Jeju Island."
This division of assets surprised everyone, but no one dared to say anything.
This set of names carries a strong political correctness connotation. Moreover, it is the best choice for China, Japan, and South Korea, because the naming of the three battleships can largely curb the separatist sentiments of these three adjacent island regions.
But this was not enough to satisfy everyone's political tastes. Netizens were still indignant, sometimes joining forces from the north and south to criticize Shanghai, and sometimes attacking Shanghai from the east and west, trying every means to defeat the naming rights that Shanghai wanted to fight for.
Therefore, in order to satisfy public opinion, the coalition forces could only advance the naming of the next batch of near-shore amphibious assault ships.
The coalition forces held another press conference to cool down the boiling public opinion:
"The next batch of amphibious assault ships that will use the 203mm rapid-fire naval gun for near-shore firepower will have their names announced in advance. They will be named Jinghai (Shandong Jinghaiwei), Lanfang, Xingzhou, Australia, and Maori (New Zealand). Their names are based on a variety of factors, including public opinion, geography, and nationality."
It's not just China, Japan, and South Korea; Singapore, Lanfang Republic, West Papua, Australia, and New Zealand all want the naming rights. Even if the 510mm naval gun is removed, it's still a warship with two 203mm rapid-fire naval guns, 120 vertical launch systems, and an armored warship exceeding 3 tons.
With the announcement of the new plan, a new pace will naturally follow.
The secretariat, which had been closely monitoring the Chinese public opinion landscape, quickly informed Takataka May:
"Some people are stirring up trouble on Weibo, questioning why we are building so many amphibious assault ships with firepower projection capabilities? Why aren't they used for national development and people's livelihood?"
Takajo May pricked up her ears.
Isn't this the kind of rhetoric that old-school public intellectuals on Weibo love to spread—the idea that military equipment is useless?
Previously, the trendsetters on Weibo would never have started a trend about Japan, after all, it is their most revered spiritual homeland.
But as Li Xinghe became the Prime Minister of Japan, he started showing skin in low-brow dramas and promoting ethnic integration, turning Japan into the kind of country they hated most. As a result, more and more people started to follow Li Xinghe's lead.
Enraged, Takajo May jumped onto the table and yelled into the phone:
"Damn it! Ban all their accounts!"
"That's a media platform for other countries..." The subordinate secretary was still a little confused.
"Idiot, just shoot it in."
One phone call later, Weibo quickly banned the account that was stirring up trouble. Gao Tiao Wuyue, a political commentator on the internet, was already aware of the spinelessness of platforms like Weibo and Douyin. Now, he's using their misguided methods to promote their righteous cause.
So there's a risk in criticizing Li Xinghe online. If his account gets banned, there's definitely some short guy (1.48 meters tall) secretly behind it all.
Chapter 949: High-spirited May, Vulgar Taste at the United Nations (4200 words)
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