Yes, Prime Minister of Japan

Longshan Base.

After happily consuming a tube of snack milk, Major General Su Yumin, along with female soldiers from the 202nd Special Forces, pulled the captured old men off the vehicle.

The old men were forcibly taken to the dungeon prison at the Longshan base.

Each person was assigned a table, on which was placed a compilation of Li Xinghe's speeches over the years, articles by many international strategists on their assessments of changes in the international situation, and selected articles from the South Korean military's internal publications, titled "Some Basic Understandings of the Current International Situation."

This collection of essays was originally intended as a political enlightenment for new recruits in the South Korean army, but now it has been handed over to these dozens of old men as is.

Major General Su Yumin banged on the table:

"This is called 'Senior Citizens' University Study.' Everyone must watch for 12 hours every day and write 5000 words of reflections daily. If you can't do it, don't even think about leaving. The boss said this is to reform your thinking. You either leave alive or die here."

A group of pampered old men stared in disbelief at the room and the task at hand.

Li Xinghe sleeps in a room she cannot leave unless she gets pregnant, while the old men are trapped in a room they cannot leave unless they change their mindset.

The next day.

There has been some turmoil within the South Korean military.

But this was mainly because junior and middle-ranking officers were trying to prove that they had not participated in any shady associations.

The second revolution that happened last night was actually just those old men's wild imaginations; it had nothing to do with them.

However, this only applies to a portion of officers, because only officers from the Army NCO School have a tradition of forming associations; officers from the sergeant major and reserve officer systems are generally quite clean. For example, the famous tank pilot Zhang Taiwan was not from the Army NCO School.

Li Xinghe then ordered the preparation of a speech:

"We need to organize a speech to tell the people that the unrest is over and that we have won."

The lecture was held in front of the ruins of the National Assembly in Yeouido.

By the afternoon, the square was filled with people who had been arrested for opposing Li Xinghe.

In front of groups of arrested pro-democracy politicians, party leaders, retired generals, bureaucrats, and radicals stood Li Xinghe's staunch supporters, who had been invited to the event. They stood on either side, their voices filled with profanities and insults.

The public can see that once-glorious political figures have now become prisoners, and those who once held sway over the world no longer even have the freedom to pick their noses.

This is tantamount to stomping on the faces of these former South Korean elites with heavy leather boots, proclaiming Lee Sung-ha's complete victory.

"Attention everyone in the audience, the speech is about to begin..."

Amidst the shouts of "Shiba," "son of a bitch," and "bastard," the most unique speech in all of South Korean history began.

In front of tens of thousands of political prisoners, Li Xinghe walked gracefully through them to the podium and addressed the entire nation live.

Surrounded by prisoners who dared not speak out, he stood before countless supporters cheering his name.

The noble fighters of the people have been transformed into lawmakers, with shackles around their necks.

People who once celebrated Park Geun-hye's return and then cursed her to get out raised their hands.

Li Xinghe patted the microphone: "You, Lin Yong, are free, but Lin Zaizai, are you...?"

"We are gathered here today not for joy, but to announce the end of two days of absurd chaos. We, the arrogant politicians and military officers who are still close to the United States or have illusions about the future, are about to go to North Korean farms to plant potatoes."

The Koreans were naturally very happy.

Many of those arrested had connections to local South Korean gangs, real estate companies, and economic and industrial policies. Sending these people away meant that everyone could move forward together.

Go plant potatoes, and never come back.

That's what they thought in their hearts.

Li Xinghe then pointed to the arrested generals, including Liu Jisheng, and joked:

"Some say South Korea should reduce its military, as the public can no longer afford the enormous military expenditures. Others say South Korea shouldn't reduce its military because North Korea has 700,000 troops in the north. But I want to tell you, the real problem is, where exactly is South Korea's military spending going? Soldiers aren't getting enough to eat, and their treatment is poor—it's not that they're really short of money. It's because some people simply don't treat soldiers seriously. They treat the army like cattle, only allowing them to eat grass and sleep in the mud. It's ridiculous that such officers still think they can control me."

In today's world where resources are abundant, the fact that soldiers in developed countries don't have enough to eat is never a matter of money.

It's a class issue, not a class issue.

Politicians, bureaucrats, and generals, who don't treat soldiers as human beings, naturally only want to feed them garbage.

The same applies to the US military. They don't need to spend more money. They just need to adjust the existing food budget and listen to the soldiers' voices. Otherwise, they won't be eating like they're in a garbage can.

But Li Xinghe wasn't mocking them; he was addressing the real issue:

"From another perspective, focusing on paying expensive and inefficient protection fees to American companies instead of using precious military funds to purchase domestically produced weapons severely damages national enterprises and weakens the confidence of the military. So here we need to raise a question: how military spending is allocated determines whether it is reasonable. How the national economy is allocated, in turn, determines the people's lives and future expectations."

The issue of national economic distribution.

Li Xinghe spoke eloquently about his political reform goals, continuing to implement his reform plans, some of which had already been successful in Japan:

"Just like my economic reforms in Japan, we must break down barriers before we can rebuild. We need to dismantle more non-tariff barriers and dissolve agricultural cooperatives. We must acknowledge that South Korea's agriculture is not self-sufficient, and therefore we rely more on international cooperation. We acknowledge that South Korea lacks creativity in modern cultural elements, so we try to start anew within the East Asian family. We acknowledge that South Korea is resource-poor, so we need to develop new economic growth points. Being pragmatic is the fundamental tenet of the new economic reforms."

This is not easy for South Koreans.

Because first they have to acknowledge their own shortcomings.

The old practices of fabricating stories to build national self-confidence, stealing culture from others whenever there are shortcomings, and the shamelessness of the media and cultural circles in pursuit of traffic and money, must be corrected immediately.

Koreans also need to realize that they are first and foremost part of the Greater China cultural sphere, and are East Asians, and only secondarily Koreans.

But in any case, things have finally started to change.

The public supports the change.

Lee Sung-ha couldn't find a definitive solution for South Korea's problems because the country's limits were already in place.

They can't compete with anyone in terms of expansion, their finances are suppressed by Japan, and their upstream and downstream industrial chains are all in the hands of China and Japan.

Therefore, Lee Sung-ha's prescription for South Korea was to continue integrating into the East Asian market, like Japan, by significantly increasing imports, lowering prices, improving living standards and the distribution of the national economy, in order to safely weather the economic crisis.

Of course, this does not mean there are no economic growth points.

After discussing a lot about allocation issues, Li Xinghe turned the topic back to the grand future:

"South Korea and North Korea will maintain lasting peace and de-escalate tensions."

"We want to build a railway that represents peace, from Gwangju to Seoul, from Seoul to Pyongyang, from Pyongyang to Shenyang, and from Shenyang to Harbin, creating a major land-based economic artery."

"We will clear all minefields and barriers along the 38th parallel, build roads through mountains, construct public housing and new industrial zones, give young people a better life, dismantle the artillery barrels of war, and plant flowers of peace."

"Many young Koreans yearn for the future, and I want to tell you that Korea's future lies on the sea. We will sign the G7 Declaration, and you should go to Southeast Asia, the Pacific, Australia, and venture overseas."

"My speech is over, but South Korea's reforms will not end. Thank you."

Just after his speech, Cho Gu-hwan flew back from Beijing, where he declared that "China and South Korea have signed an agreement to deepen the East Asian Free Trade Area agreement, which will bring trillions of won in economic and trade cooperation."

The South Korean stock market has begun to rebound, and public confidence is gradually recovering.

Even cities that had just experienced turmoil quickly returned to normal life.

The fact that the unusual combination of Lee Sung-ha and Cho Gu-hwan was able to quickly stabilize the South Korean economy led the non-materialistic South Koreans to quickly come up with a set of explanations based on traditional folklore and feng shui.

Of course, given the Koreans' habit of copying in their daily lives, they are essentially copying the sharp commentary from their Chinese neighbors.

As the birthplace of Feng Shui, Chinese netizens are full of creativity. Traditional Feng Shui believes that the Blue House (Cheong Wa Dae) has always been a burial site, suitable for funerals and bringing good fortune to the dead, so living people living there will only lead to misfortune. This is the reason why South Korea has produced a series of rotten people like Syngman Rhee, Park Chung-hee, and Chun Doo-hwan.

However, if there is no one to guard the tomb within the nation's destiny, it signifies a great misfortune of "the master being out of place, and yin and yang being out of balance." This is why the situations during the reigns of Moon Jae-in, Yoon Seok-youl, and Lee Jae-myung were even worse than before.

Therefore, in short, the Blue House must have a dead president in the 'primary position' while the person truly responsible for governing the country must be out of office and governing from abroad.

The current situation happens to coincide with the principles of feng shui.

Although Cho Gu-hwan was the president, he was practically a dead man. The one truly in charge of governing the country was Lee Sung-ha, who was far from Seoul but mainly controlled the city from the Yongsan base.

This is the principle of 'the dead president occupies the main position, while the living president governs the country from outside.'

When Koreans saw this, they immediately slapped their thighs and exclaimed: That makes sense!

That makes perfect sense.

They believe this is why South Korea has had a consistently bad political run in recent decades.

It's because the Blue House, as the heart of the country, was built in a feng shui location resembling a tomb, making the president a living dead.

The people envied and were jealous of the incompetent Cho Gu-hwan:

"Look at our President Cho Ju-hwan, he smiles like a radiant chrysanthemum every day, to the point that even his crow's feet have wrinkled up."

People felt they could also become president:

"The Blue House is a place that brings good fortune to the dead. What's the difference between Cho Gu-hwan sitting inside and being dead? Of course the Blue House brings him good fortune. Cho Gu-hwan is now rich, has a house and a car. It's said that this bastard has collected dozens of luxury cars from China, Japan and South Korea. He always goes to the secret racetrack on weekends. Of course he's having a great time! I also want to lie down in the Blue House and pretend to be dead."

But people are not jealous of Li Xinghe.

After all, he really did crown himself on national television, stepping on the heads of tens of thousands of opponents.

Chapter 917: Feeding Koreans Shit, Li Xinghe's Big Stick (5100 words)

Seoul.

The citizens of Seoul are experiencing an unprecedented citywide demolition and reconstruction.

The city government specially approved a large sum of money for renovations, specifically to change the style of various signs in Seoul from large Eonmun characters and small Han characters to a style that primarily uses Han characters with Eonmun phonetic annotations. This instantly boosted the profits of many billboard manufacturers for years.

As citizens watched their familiar Yan characters gradually being replaced by Han characters, they couldn't help but feel a sense of desolation, as if their country was about to perish.

South Korean official media outlets all received a press release from the Presidential Secretariat:

"The Republic of Korea is about to be renamed 'Great Korea,' and its political system will enter a 'preparatory period for establishing a crown prince.' During this ten-year period of preparation for establishing a crown prince, under the leadership of the great Lee Sung-ha and with the assistance of President Cho Gu-hwan (whispering), Korea will complete the crisis transformation during the economic crisis."

"Daehan News: During the preparation for the crown prince election, regular elections will still be held. The parliament remains an important force for overseeing the government's operations. Citizens are encouraged to run for office and replace the old political parties."

The ten-year preparation for establishing an heir means that there will be no major political changes within ten years.

To paraphrase Putin, Lee Sung-ha was telling South Koreans: Give me ten years, and I guarantee South Korea will maintain its status as a developed country.

For canaries in developed countries, this guarantee is already quite reliable.

The main concern of the South Korean public is that Lee Sung-ha looks like he could work for another 50 years at his age. If he really does work for 50 years, what will happen?

As the plane landed at Gimpo International Airport, under the protection of several female special agents, Lee Sung-ha's Special Ambassador for Korean Affairs, Miss Nam-ho, stepped off the plane with a natural and charming demeanor, wearing a light blue dress.

The bodyguards from Special Forces 202 have arrived; they've driven up in a Mercedes.

"Miss Nan, please get in the car."

As I boarded the bus, I could still hear bursts of noise from the roadside.

"Don't worry, it's just people fighting."

Nan Hao smiled, revealing her cute little tiger teeth.

Long ago, when Lee Sung-ha first arrived in South Korea, he used the CIA's South Korean agents to launch the "Yungeun Gate" and "Independence Gate" power struggles in Seoul, inciting South Korean anti-government factions to fight against their supporters. At that time, the struggle over whether to support independence or to welcome Eun-ha was fierce and evenly matched.

The results are in: the Yeongeun faction has won a complete victory. South Korean right-wing populists were furious watching Lee Sung-ha gesticulate wildly on stage, and many planned to demolish Yeongeun Gate to annoy him. As a result, they were attacked by a combined force of Lee's supporters and the police.

Disorganized far-right extremists in South Korea are causing trouble in the streets:

Why support Li Xinghe?

Those who oppose them countered:

"If we don't support him, who do we support? Those far-right lunatics on YouTube?"

Yes, only Li Xinghe looks like a normal person.

The politics of South Korea and Japan, to some extent, are an East Asian reflection of American politics.

When the United States began its neoliberal reforms, Japan and South Korea successively accepted them, either voluntarily or involuntarily, gradually abandoning their state-command-based economic models; when drugs were rampant in the United States, Japan and South Korea also suffered from drug spillovers from US military bases; when the United States implemented "happy education" and IgG, Japan and South Korea quickly saw the same monstrous developments emerge.

The most terrifying thing is that when American politics descended into madness, with figures like Trump, Vance, and even various abstract monsters emerging, Japan and South Korea also reacted in sync.

In Japan, various super-populist fanatics have emerged in politics, shouting things like "Drive the Chinese out" and "Drag the US military to China." South Korea is not far behind. As its information cocoon gradually breaks down and it realizes that neighboring China is close at hand while US troops are far away, the number of fanatics in the public is increasing. They frequently spout idiotic and extreme rhetoric such as "Why doesn't the US launch nuclear missiles?" and "The Republic of Korea will airdrop elite troops to raid the capital and dismember China."

There are so many fanatical people, so many populists are insane, and their slogans are so outrageous that even the media and politicians who have incubated this populism are afraid, and the public can't take it anymore. Nobody wants to see a South Korean Trump or a Japanese Trump rise to the prime minister's position and then start having 24-hour non-stop tantrums. The best fate for these people is probably to be stuffed into a nuclear power plant.

In a contest of utter folly among countless lunatics, the public could only reluctantly support Li Xinghe.

Li Xinghe is the most reliable, realistic, and capable candidate to ensure that the country is not led astray by populist politicians.

Just as after the collapse of Tsarist Russia, between the inhuman Red Army and the completely inhuman White Army, Russian peasants had no choice but to support the Red Army and thus fired the first shot of the Red Revolution.

This is also the reality of most political changes around the world: the goal is not to choose the best candidate, but rather the least bad one.

As we approached the Yongsan base from Gimpo International Airport, we could still hear the officials waiting there whispering amongst themselves.

"I heard that dozens of girl groups have recently stopped their activities, preparing for the president's instructions to go to the Longshan base to accompany him in a big celebration."

"My brother-in-law's second aunt's uncle's nephew works as a cleaner near the Blue House. It's said that every day he sees agents from the four major entertainment companies handing over stacks of photos and notes. A group of people kneel at the office door like dogs."

"The Four Great Entertainments? Nonsense. Let me tell you, my great-uncle's niece's distant uncle's friend works as a clerk at the Longshan base. I heard that Ms. Li Daiyao and Ms. Zhao Lieshu are selecting concubines for His Majesty. They want to choose the most beautiful, virtuous, and capable of serving others from among the trainees who haven't debuted yet, to become maids in the Longshan Royal Palace."