Yes, Prime Minister of Japan

However, Li Xinghe still wanted to laugh when he thought of Shang Qiujia dropping out of Gakushuin University after a year of undergraduate studies, going to England to learn street dance, and being bombarded with criticism from the Imperial Household Agency and the public, and finally being disciplined into a fake-smiling little fox.

"What are you laughing at? Are you thinking of something that could harm me?"

Shang Qiujia's eyes sharpened.

Li Xinghe then took the bowl of egg mixture:

"Do you still do street dance? I still remember that news very well."

"I haven't done that in a long time."

As Shang Qiujia spoke, she couldn't resist Li Xinghe's teasing, and with the added allure of the evening, she drew the curtains that revealed only the forest outside, pushed the table aside, and tried to revive the dance skills she had learned during her most carefree period in front of the window.

However, Li Xinghe added a little challenge for her. He hugged the little fox and slowly lifted her already loose nightgown, revealing her good figure encased in a laurel-colored bra.

They made Shang Qiujia dance street dance with her bare buttocks exposed.

"You're so mean!"

Shang Qiujia pouted and jumped up and down in the living room on tiptoe.

However, compared to Zhao Lieshu, who has a professional dance background, her dancing appears much more immature and comical.

But in a beautiful moment, a lover will naturally see her as Xi Shi.

Li Xinghe picked her up and placed her on the table.

Shang Qiujia only had time to say:

"Don't put this on my presentation slides, I still have to submit my paper."

But in the heat of the moment, who cares about such things? Shang Qiujia still accidentally plopped down on it, sitting on her own thesis.

The unclear white fluid slowly dripped down, or splattered everywhere, gradually flowing down Shang Qiujia's thighs and groin. As she sat on the table again and again, her pretty little buttocks were deeply stained with the private parts of the paper entitled "A Brief Discussion on the Genetic Formation of Ancient Chinese Immigrants and the Japanese Nation".

……

The next day.

When Shang Qiujia woke up, she found a clear butt print on her newly printed thesis, and even saw a deep liquid seeping into a clam-like shape.

"Ugh! How awful!"

She gritted her teeth, wanting to bite Li Xinghe, but he had already run away. Furious, she searched her phone for convenience stores with photocopiers, quickly dried the stack of papers with a hairdryer, put them in vacuum bags, secretly went to a print shop to make copies, and then ran away.

She even called Zhao Lieshu to complain about Li Xinghe's bad habits, but unexpectedly, Zhao Lieshu reminded her:

"Now we can print remotely via the internet."

"hateful."

Shang Qiujia was even more annoyed by the predicament that this advanced technology brought her.

However, as long as she thought about the happy things that happened last night and the almost certain possibility of getting pregnant, Shang Qiujia was still very satisfied.

Shang Qiujia opted for a "spiritual victory" approach, venting her frustration towards the direction of the Cabinet Residence:

"Hmph, have another one. I'll spank your child's bottom every day."

Actually, Li Xinghe got up very early this morning because the cabinet meeting in August was held today.

There were many agenda items to be discussed at the meeting.

The most pressing issue right now is the wave of opposition to textbooks. Gao Tiao May was discussing this very issue yesterday.

Ayako Aso read the policy briefing:

"This is the first time that college students have formed an organization to criticize some of our policies, and they've made quite a splash."

"The biggest reason for opposition in society right now comes from the revision of the second supplement to the textbook. For example, many scholars are now criticizing the government in the 'Introduction to Politics' section of the textbook, believing that we are almost guiding students' political stance."

The reason is quite simple.

Even after the first edition of the reformed curriculum included extensive criticism of the former Japanese imperial government and historical materials on its wars of aggression, Li Xinghe was still not satisfied. The second revised edition of the curriculum further required that Japanese students be taught basic political theory, at least to ensure they understood the most fundamental political concepts.

What Li Xinghe wants to add, of course, is the teaching of Chinese students' basic worldview and methodology, including various theories such as materialism and idealism, and basic monetary knowledge. This is a very basic political theory for Chinese students.

But the Japanese saw this as terrifying, as if they were trying to train all the students to become communists.

This is never taught in Japan's compulsory education system.

Li Xinghe commented on this display as follows:

"We have too many critics. If they don't have any special skills, just ignore them."

Li Xinghe thought the Japanese were just being pretentious.

In the past, the Japanese didn't participate in politics, and their voter turnout was actually only 20%.

Now that they've responded to your call and actually started teaching Japanese students introductory political science, I'm unhappy again.

They were also worried about leading their children astray in their political stance.

Hua Yingmei raised objections, arguing that greater attention must be paid to student movements:

"The problem is that our government is, in some ways, more vulnerable than the previous one. We still need to be cautious."

Despite a relatively fair national election, the legitimacy of the current government remains surprisingly low.

Because in Li Xinghe's already designed political election agenda, no matter who he nominates, even if he brings his daughter out to run, he can still get the support of at least about 20% of the Japanese population. Just based on this, Li Xinghe is already in an invincible position.

Therefore, in his plan, no one could elect him.

Therefore, most Japanese people are actually aware of this political situation.

According to renowned political research scholar Akira Endo, "Although the Liberal Democratic Party no longer exists, the only difference between the Public Opinion and the Liberal Democratic Party is that the Public Opinion actually has a powerful emperor."

After all, a normal Japanese person cannot simultaneously support expanding the military and accepting immigrants, support green energy and expanding wars, support multicultural integration and the Emperor system, and support strengthening the central government and cooperation among China, Japan and South Korea.

Li Xinghe's policies are always half left and half right. Left-wing voters dislike his military, while right-wing voters can't stand his immigration policies. It's fair to say that they find them extremely difficult to accept.

Only Li Xinghe's die-hard fans would wholeheartedly endorse all of his policies.

Li Xinghe, however, did not quite agree.

"It's not that bad. If you go out on the street and ask people how they evaluate the public meeting, most of us are probably leftists."

In public meetings, the public generally chooses a reformist stance:

"The reformists are leftists."

Yes, given the generally poor political views of the Japanese public, its association with various communist parties, its commitment to reform, its acceptance of international refugees, and its promotion of green energy policies undoubtedly make it a left-wing party.

But how could a party that supports major policies such as building aircraft carriers, expanding its military, and expanding its industrial reach abroad be left-wing?

The Japanese political coordinate system is quite peculiar. Or rather, because the Japanese particularly enjoy ambiguity, when they talk about the left and right, they are referring to far-left and far-right elements. Their commonly used political coordinate system is 'reform/conservatism'.

Within this assessment framework, parties that are committed to reform are considered left-wing, while those that are conservative and prudent are considered right-wing. Therefore, the Japanese Communist Party is considered staunchly right-wing, while the far-right Japan Restoration Party, which attempts reform, is surprisingly regarded as left-wing.

Shui Jingtianping, in charge of legal reform, rolled his eyes, revealing the disdain of the elite class:

"Most Japanese people's basic political discernment has long been destroyed."

Due to unique historical reasons, Japan, which had virtually no political education, has seen a significant decline in the political discernment of its new generation of politicians and voters as the generation of politicians with a strong foundation in political education before and after the war has passed away.

They are unable to make political choices between the three coordinate systems of left-right, innovation-stability, and liberalism-conservatism, and they do not even understand the differences between left and right, or between liberalism and conservatism.

Li Xinghe asked May:

"What about our voter support?"

Last night, I was deeply shocked by the short video of Yamato Keira. After watching the whole thing, I was completely shaken. Here's a breakdown of the vote distribution:

"Please look, this is our national vote support chart."

Naturally, Li Xinghe's regional support distribution across Japan shows a two-sided trend. One side is the stable stronghold of Kanto and Niigata, while the other side is the agricultural belt from Tohoku to Hokkaido, and the urban poverty belt from Osaka to Kyoto.

In other places, the support rate was either average or opposed. For example, in Kumamoto City on Kyushu Island, because TSMC ultimately did not move there, but instead many Taiwanese immigrants went there, the locals had a lot of complaints about Li Xinghe.

In other words, Li Xinghe's supporters are primarily voters who have come to support him as the economy has improved, including Chinese and Korean-American residents, as well as voters who support military expansion and hold some nationalist views. Their political leanings are highly diverse.

So we really need to take control of the students.

Li Xinghe pondered:

“Opposition within universities is gradually and systematically growing, and it is indeed necessary to gradually control it.”

Japanese universities are somewhat similar to those in the United States. They operate as autonomous legal entities without strong government intervention. The advantage is that the government doesn't need to interfere, but the disadvantage is that the government has no say in their affairs.

Therefore, both public and private universities are relatively independent.

As MacArthur designed this system to be, every branch of society gains extreme power in its own domain and checks and balances each other, building a dysfunctional society through one contradiction after another.

Li Xinghe's people have basically not attacked universities. This is mainly because the political movements of Japanese university students are mainly anti-Liberal Democratic Party, and Li Xinghe has a temporary interest in them.

Someone suggested:

"Are we going to dismantle these schools, using inefficiency as an excuse?"

Li Xinghe shook his head:

"Whether it's a public or private school, as long as it demonstrates efficiency and student achievement, we can accept it. The reason the American government exists is that, compared to the machine guns and factory guards of big capital, the public is more willing to accept the social governance of vulgar bureaucrats, even though the efficiency of the American government is like a pile of dog shit. I should quote someone here, but I think you all know it without me saying it."

Of course, despite this, Li Xinghe's peace of mind actually stemmed from the fact that Japanese academics, including professors and experts, are very adept at reading the political climate of the government. This specifically refers to the US and Japanese governments.

Of course, there are many professors, academic experts, opinion leaders, and TV personalities in China who are also very good at sucking up to the US and Japanese governments.

Two groups of people licked one buttock, and they licked it very clean.

Therefore, as long as prominent figures in academia have not yet spoken out, the whole incident remains under control.

Lu Yuchi Hua Yingmei suggests waiting for now:

“Invest in universities and establish more research funds, and they will kneel at the government's doorstep, scoop food from their own bowls, and continue to attack my government. If I don't give them their 'dog food,' they will curse me even more. We might as well wait a little longer.”

Not entirely. But that's the nature of universities: you pay them to produce research, and then they criticize you. Whether you pay them or not only determines how loud their criticism is.

"I'll consider placing my bets when the next economic crisis comes around."

After yesterday's discussion, Li Xinghe has new ideas today.

If Americans are using their funds to buy up assets in Japan to escape the US financial system and then take advantage of the dollar and Treasury bond market crash to reap the benefits back home, then when this dollar tide leaves Japan, freeing up a large amount of high-quality assets and the Japanese economy suffers a severe blow, the dollars that have returned home to reap the benefits will inevitably come back to take down the depreciated yen assets as well, achieving a double whammy for both the US and Japan.

Why not eat it yourself first?

Universities are public legal entities and can be acquired.

The US is shorting the US, and Li Xinghe is also using his own money to short the US. Mei, are you thinking of shorting the US? Lin, are you...?

When the US dollar shorted Japan, Li Xinghe took the opportunity to buy up high-quality assets that had depreciated.

Let the Japanese suffer the consequences of the American economic crisis again, and send the rising opposition into bankruptcy, so as to further consolidate their position.

After the morning meeting ended, Ayako Aso and Tenpei Mizukami were eyeing Li Xinghe with predatory intent, but Kagami Shikaochi gained the upper hand.

She pulled Li Xinghe aside and whispered in his ear:

"Violet is pregnant."

"That's great news."

Li Xinghe answered.

This made Hua Yingmei look very unhappy:

"what about me?"

Li Xinghe did some quick calculations and realized that he had been through quite a few battles with Lu Yuchi and Hua Yingmei. He used to say that Christians would go through the back door first, but now he almost always went through the front door. Yet, she still didn't get pregnant.

Therefore, Li Xinghe comforted her:

“You’ve been raised as a boy since you were little, so it’s really okay not to have children…”

Hua Yingmei, embarrassed and annoyed, dragged Li Xinghe into a fight on the spot:

"No, I need to get pregnant before Shuijing Tianping!"

It turns out that during this period, Lu Yuchi Hua Yingmei and Shui Jing Tianping were having a showdown in the cabinet, which implicated poor Xiao Xinghe.

Li Xinghe could not resist:

"I'm in the office."

Hua Yingmei then straddled her:

"This is the price of being amorous, humph."

……