Yes, Prime Minister of Japan

Behind her, Mrs. Quannan, who was efficiently tidying up the housework, asked with a smile:

"Do you still miss your life when you were prime minister?"

Koizumi could only sigh:

"No, I've only gained a slight understanding. So this is how the principles of governing a country are."

Someone shouted again from outside the door:

"Monk Quan... the Chicheng Mountain solar power plant is coming to lay power lines! The road construction plan is also about to begin..."

Chapter 759: Emperor Lee criticizes the Emperor, and the Lee Gang eliminates the gang (5600 words)

"Mount Chicheng... it's almost turned into Mount Yincheng. The entire mountain is covered with silver solar panels."

As a famous mountain in Northeast China, Chicheng Mountain had a large area of ​​unused mountain land. Therefore, Li Xinghe deployed a large number of solar panels there and established a photovoltaic power transmission base. When Li Xinghe decided to establish a large state-owned power supply enterprise, the photovoltaic base on Chicheng Mountain was also expanding its power supply range to reduce the power pressure on surrounding residents.

How much will electricity costs decrease?

"It's said to be one-third, or even half."

People elected representatives from the town's service group to renegotiate with the power company.

Finalize an electricity contract that benefits residents.

The biggest difference now is that many local talents who previously had no chance of advancement are now joining the town service corps.

Who is better able to organize the people to complete social projects? Who has more organizational skills and political acumen and can do a good job of the political tasks assigned by Li Xinghe?

This is not about going to the countryside, but about working at the grassroots level.

Japan's urbanization rate exceeds 90%, and even ordinary towns and villages have access to electricity and water. Most town service groups are located in the urban-rural fringe or in large towns.

After the electricity contract negotiations, the townspeople all praised the instructors at the agricultural reclamation station:

"Once your service period ends, we will elect you to the local self-governing council!"

"Get rid of all the idiots in the current parliament!"

This is the significance of the existence of the town service group.

It is not a purely grassroots self-governing organization, because the town service group also has a higher-level prefectural headquarters, and a national service group headquarters is established in Tokyo. Outstanding talents who emerge from this self-governing organization will be spontaneously promoted by the people to the local assembly, replacing the original incompetent and ignorant old men.

However, it is not a grassroots organization of a political party because it lacks political ideology and mainly focuses on local affairs.

Rather than calling it a manifestation of democracy, it's more accurate to describe it as a rise of the poor from a position of privilege, breaking the monopoly of the wealthy.

They used ordinary, impoverished families who were originally not qualified to participate in the 'Japanese-style democracy' game to fill the huge void left by the collapse of the Liberal Democratic Party and to drive out local power brokers who had lost their political protection.

From this perspective, those who should be most grateful to Li Xinghe are actually local talents like Yoshihide Suga, who entered politics by working as secretaries for others.

Amidst this fervent enthusiasm for infrastructure repair and construction at the grassroots level, Li Xinghe's reforms are encountering increasing resistance.

"The textbooks have gone too far!"

Many people voiced their opposition.

The textbook issue has stirred up trouble in Tokyo.

Because new guiding textbooks have been released.

The new edition of the guiding textbook, written by many center-left cultural scholars, has listed "the stage of militarism and fascism" separately in the compulsory history curriculum for junior and senior high schools. It begins with a critical historical tracing of Japan's invasion of Korea, starting with the First Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War. It then fully exposes the ugly side of the time, including the rampant exploitation of the people by the zaibatsu, the lack of career prospects for lower-class soldiers, the prostitution of women in Southeast Asia, the power struggles among politicians and political opportunists, the blind actions of officers, and the weakness of the emperor. It also conducts a concentrated critique of World War II, revealing the ugliest side of Japanese militarism, and includes the famous final battle scene from Doraemon and Nobita.

Of course, people cannot simply vent their emotions without providing solutions.

Li Xinghe personally wrote a commemorative text for the centenary of Sun Yat-sen's death, which was posted in the required reading list. It placed the Greater East Asia Doctrine on the same level as the East Asia Doctrine proposed by Japan itself, pointing out the path of peaceful cooperation that Japan should truly take.

The Chinese language and history sections were the hardest hit by protests.

"This is practically a textbook of Communist Party ideology!"

"If we follow what this book says, then what path should Japan take?"

Even Yukio Hatoyama jumped out to criticize Li Xinghe for going too far in smearing his ancestors.

How could the Hatoyama faction be so despicable?

Isn't it just splitting political parties, tearing apart political enemies, having no bottom line, and participating in the Grand Political Assistance Association of militarism and fascism?

Back then, even the Japanese Communists went to attend the Yizan Association. You should kick the Communists around you a few times before you talk to my great-grandfather.

Even the slightest reopening of old wounds plunges Japan into a tangle of accusations: "You also participated in the Imperial Rule Assistance Association," "Your ancestors served as bureaucrats for the Imperial General Headquarters," "His grandfather was a colonel-level staff officer before the defeat," "Whose travel agency once recruited Japanese military officers?"—a whole host of dark histories. Even the Hatoyama family, considered pro-China, has a dark past, not to mention the Koizumi family, which was involved in arms supply, and various companies like the Mitsubishi Group, which produced numerous aircraft and tanks for the Japanese military.

It's no wonder that Japan's original history curriculum didn't dare mention those decades of turmoil. Once it was slightly revealed, it became clear that most of the Japanese descendants were still active in politics. So, to avoid making everyone blush, they had no choice but to erase those years of history completely.

On this day, Li Xinghe, Aso Ayako, and Shika Michika Eimi did nothing but listen to the officials complaining about being harassed.

"How to do?"

After get off work, the three of them, along with Mikasa and Chiyo Hina, who worked at the Ministry of Justice, gathered together, looking worried as they faced the turmoil in the public sphere.

Gradually, Kannon Taki Aotori, Higashikawa Yukami, and Mizukage Tenpyo, along with the Kokubun sisters, also arrived, and everyone pondered together.

"Looking for the Emperor."

Li Xinghe suddenly clapped his hands.

Who is the greatest Japanese descendant?

Of course, it's the Emperor himself.

Soon, Deren received another commission from Li Xinghe.

I've written a lot of rambling, but all I wanted was for Deren to write a preface for the new textbook.

But the core summary can be summed up in one sentence:

"You should curse your grandfather."

It is considered unfilial for a son to scold his father. But is it equally unfilial for a son to scold his grandfather?

Meanwhile, Emperor Naruhito, who was traveling and enjoying himself in Hokkaido with his wife, had been tricked by Li Xinghe so many times that he had gradually become used to it. After all, Li Xinghe was still considered Showa's great-grandson-in-law, and their relationship was still within the fifth degree of kinship. Everyone was criticizing him, and Li Xinghe was taking the blame.

Naruhito had no choice but to pick up his pen and, in the Japanese style, write a long, rambling critique of the war and the rulers' unclear decisions and their reluctance to take responsibility for the harmful consequences. He then submitted it to the Imperial Household Agency for public release and planned to have it as a core text in the modern history curriculum for high school students, requiring them to read it collectively and complete reading comprehension exercises.

Although he didn't explicitly write "Showa," it was clear to everyone that he was criticizing his grandfather Showa for his weakness, indecisiveness, and hypocrisy.

Fortunately, there was a period of economic prosperity after the war, which served as a convenient excuse for the Showa era. The post-war period, as depicted in high school textbooks, at least allows the Showa era to garner some positive impressions.

This imperial edict, a critique of militarism, which was custom-designed for inclusion in high school history and Chinese textbooks, was broadcast during prime time on NHK, Fuji TV, and other television stations. As a final political statement by Li Xinghe, who was essentially "using the emperor to command the princes," it served as a warning bell in this wave of opposition.

Emperor Naruhito himself stepped forward to take the blame for Li Xinghe. What else can these people say?

People like Yukio Hatoyama immediately shut up, and Junichiro Koizumi had no choice but to write an article criticizing the negative impact of his family's ancestral involvement in the arms trade. Many others like him who were still alive and had related dark histories had no choice but to write articles cursing their ancestors.

In order to survive, let's all engage in self-criticism.

Li Xinghe is simple. He doesn't need to criticize himself because the Jian family and the Chiyo family were labeled as anti-Japanese and pro-communist during World War II. One of the heads of the Chiyo family was even killed. After the war, he became a leftist and was completely betrayed by MacArthur. He was a die-hard, pure-hearted anti-Japanese element.

Chiyo, seeing Li Xinghe even press his way onto the Emperor, pinched her son's ear:

"Aren't you afraid of alienating and alienating people?"

Li Xinghe proudly raised his nose:

"They should all bear the original sin of history, so that I can replace them at any time."

"Forehead……"

Actually, when it came to this, the ladies all felt a little helpless.

In major infrastructure projects, a large amount of financial and import/export business is handled by Li Xinghe's own people.

Shui Jingtianping kicked Li Xinghe's toes:

“I think you need to tone it down a bit. Otherwise, they might want the public to know that we also run a company called Tamanogata Foundation, which not only has tech unicorns, but also Tokyo Tatemono, which undertakes a lot of projects, and even a United Bank of Japan.”

"It's time to split up, huh?"

Li Xinghe scratched his head.

The Tamagota Foundation has indeed reached a point where it needs to be spun off, as its core members are all in the political power structure and it is difficult to hand them over to trustworthy individuals.

Just as several women wrapped in stockings were taking turns oppressing Li Xinghe, bad news shattered the harmonious family atmosphere.

Fake ice cream seller Xian Zi rushed in with some secret news:

"A fight broke out. Yokohama residents clashed with local yakuza while digging a pipeline, resulting in two injuries. The yakuza arrested and detained a resident representative. The Kanagawa Prefectural Police were slow to act."

Li Xinghe and Hua Yingmei's expressions immediately fell.

Gangs, like the local warlords who oppose Li Xinghe, are stumbling blocks on his path.

The town service corps is essentially a people's organization. But it is an irreconcilable enemy of the yakuza, who are accustomed to living in the shadows and controlling the order of the underworld.

Because Japan's yakuza, to a large extent, were tools used by the postwar government and powerful cliques to control grassroots activities. They were social obstruction tools used by the United States and the Liberal Democratic Party when they were unable to mobilize society but had to suppress communist and labor movements.

Mikako, an expert in gangster detective work, hugged Lee Sung-ha from behind, pressing her weight onto her son's shoulders as she said:

"Don't forget that infrastructure construction plans are also closely related to the yakuza. During Kakuei Tanaka's time, the yakuza had a close relationship with politicians, civil engineering companies, and capital companies, as if they were one entity."

The relationship between the gangs and these powerful figures must be eradicated.

We must also eradicate all the gangs in various places.

Chiyo looked at the water mirror scales, and the large-framed, long-haired beauty reminded Li Xinghe:

"Former Prime Minister Koizumi once famously said that there is no such thing as a member of parliament who does not know the head of a local yakuza group."

As Li Xinghe previously pointed out, local gangs and local powerful figures have close ties, sometimes even forming their own independent entities, allowing gangs to brazenly infiltrate parliament. This situation is most prominent in India, where most members of parliament are gangsters. Japan is no exception, with a significant portion of its population having an inseparable connection with gangs, akin to using toilet paper and excrement.

Koizumi's words actually succinctly point out the logic of social power operation under a voting democracy.

The biggest problem with this group is that they will occupy councils in various places, constantly causing trouble for Li Xinghe. When Li Xinghe wants to undertake large-scale infrastructure projects, local powerful figures with close ties to the underworld will most likely build buildings in key locations and raise prices, just to extort a large sum of money from Li Xinghe.

Gangs and local warlords clashed with Li Xinghe's plans for a community service group and large-scale infrastructure projects.

Chiyo Hina then countered with a question:

"What do we do now?"

If it were a typical Japanese prime minister, faced with such a thorny problem, they would often have no choice but to painstakingly mobilize the government, exchange favors, and spend vast sums of money to satisfy these gluttons, ultimately causing plans to go awry, policies to fail, and policies that were supposed to benefit the country and its people to turn into disastrous defeats that harm the country and its people.

"Alas, I was once a kind man."

Li Xinghe touched his conscience.

Ayako Aso stuck out her tongue, revealing her neck, where Li Xinghe had put the dog collar on her.

"Unfortunately, it has never happened."

Then, Li Xinghe's dilapidated door was still not repaired, the small bed creaked and groaned incessantly, and there was even an incident where Shui Jing Tianping and Asou Ayako bumped into each other at the door.

……

The next day.

Ms. Tawara Chiki, the Chief of General Affairs of the United Front Command, received another special order.

She coordinated the deployment of several troops to Tokyo.

This time, the elite units of the Ground Self-Defense Force were deployed to Yasukuni Shrine.

Surrounded by numerous VT-4 tanks, reconnaissance teams from various Japan Ground Self-Defense Force divisions are making tense preparations.

Li Xinghe stood on the stage, rubbing his lower back.

Tokyo Garrison Commander Tadatsugu Nagumo stood in front and saluted Li Xinghe:

"Your Excellency, the seven elite reconnaissance and assault battalions—the Tokyo Garrison Regiment, the 11th Brigade of Sapporo, the 9th Division of Aomori, the 6th Division of Sendai, the 10th Division of Nagoya, the 3rd Division of Kobe, and the 4th Division of Fukuoka—are all present for your inspection!"

A group of elite soldiers immediately saluted and shouted the new slogan of the Ground Self-Defense Force:

"Absolute loyalty! Absolute purity!"

The reconnaissance and assault brigade, though called a brigade, has actually been downsized due to insufficient personnel and expensive vehicles. It has been reduced from a brigade of 400 people to a squad level of 200 or even 100 people.

The entire reconnaissance assault team of the 9th Division consisted of only three squads, each equipped with two tanks and two armored vehicles, totaling less than a hundred combat soldiers, as there were also dozens of civilian personnel in the team.

So standing below Yasukuni Shrine were only 800 Self-Defense Force officers. These were the most capable and daring fighters among the entire 150,000-strong Ground Self-Defense Force.

Li Xinghe seemed utterly helpless.

Out of 15 soldiers, only 800 were selected who were not too bad, and many of them were over 35 years old. They were still holding on because there was no one to take their place.

As the prime minister appointed by Prime Minister Ayako Aso, Lee Sung-ha wielded his baton: "Mei has, I don't; Mei is empty, you are there; Lin is there, not here..."