Yes, Prime Minister of Japan

Li Xinghe also pointed to the security guard:

"Get him out."

A large group of security guards rushed up and drove the group of agitated right-wing lawmakers out of the scene.

The party most opposed to Li Xinghe in the parliament is, of course, the 'Japan First Party,' which was incubated by the Japanese parliament as its political matrix.

Secondly, there is Yuichiro Tamaki's Democratic Party for the People.

The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has been effectively killed by Li Xinghe. Its remaining local influence is mainly concentrated in the far-right organizations, Japan First Party and the Democratic Party for the People. However, rather than being opposed to Li Xinghe, it's more accurate to say that Li Xinghe has chosen to preserve a group of spineless right-wingers.

These two parties housed over a hundred members of parliament and millions of heartbroken right-wing voters.

Li Xinghe glared at them, and they immediately backed down.

Since the vote has already passed, the two parties just shouted some slogans and then fell silent.

"Hmph, a weak fascist imitation."

The majority of parliamentarians, representing the centrist left wing, including members of the Public Assembly, the Constitutional Democratic Party, and the Komeito Party, scoffed at the two far-right parties supported by the Japan Conference, deeming them utterly incompetent. They felt the parties couldn't even maintain a firm right-wing stance.

Those who returned to participate in the election, such as Shigeru Ishiba, and entered as independent candidates, were among this group.

Public representatives stood up to speak:

"The people should be united in their service to the public. We support the infrastructure bill initiated by His Excellency the Prime Minister. The people should also unite to repair their homes."

The crowd laughed, thinking they were too weak.

The Japanese Communist Party next door, anyway, looks down on them:

"Public meeting? Hmph, Imperial Rule Assistance Association."

The Japanese Communist Party, still living a miserable life relying on its own newspaper group and the funding of a large number of pro-communist businessmen, can indeed mock the weakness and incompetence of the likes of the Public Opinion Council.

However, the Reform Forward Socialist Party, which is based on the All-China Federation of Communist Party members and their core faction, expressed its disdain for the Japanese Communist Party's contempt:

"Hmph, the Yoyogi Group, which bows down to conglomerates and American lackeys."

The Japanese Communist Party survived because of its own newspaper group and many entrepreneurs who came from the Japanese Communist Party.

Next to the Reform Forward Society, the Reform Marxist Labor Union, which continued to advocate global revolution with Trotskyism at its core and attempted to blend it to a limited extent with Li Xinghe's policy line, and was incubated by the Reform Marxist faction and the Railway Workers' General Union, criticized the Central Nuclear Forces Forward Society as follows:

"Hmph, the Forward Society Group that bows down to Li Xinghe."

But this hierarchy of contempt is not over yet.

"Hmph, the revolutionary railway labor union kneeling before Li Xinghe."

The Marxist reformers and railway workers supported Li Xinghe because the large-scale infrastructure bill would significantly increase the railway workers' income. (The remaining text appears to be gibberish and unrelated to the preceding sentences.)

Further to the left of the Revolutionary Marxists, there is another group with far-left political stances, but each group is a peculiar mix of different groups.

For example, Taro Yamamoto of the Reiwa Shinsengumi, and many left-wing organizations that once supported him, such as the former Japanese branch of the Fourth International, the Workers' Communist Party (ML faction), the Citizens' Party, the Green Party, and other strange creatures that incorporated various far-left groups.

Although more than a dozen Japanese Communist Party leftists were mixed together and hostile to each other, they generally tried to maintain harmony and united around Li Xinghe to carry out left-wing reform struggles.

After all, this is the first time in recent years that such a rare situation has occurred, with a large number of Communists vying for power.

"Hmph, a lackey who has abandoned armed struggle."

Only a very small number of old leftists who still insisted on armed struggle were cursing at the parliament outside, believing that it was full of Li Xinghe's lackeys (the public council, various leftists who had given up armed struggle), Li Xinghe's echo chambers (Constitutional Democratic Party, Komeito Party, etc.), and slaves who wanted to be Li Xinghe's dogs but could not (Japan First Party, Democratic Party for the People).

Japanese politicians felt that everything before them looked strangely familiar.

The Japanese parliament today seems to have regressed a hundred years, returning to the Taisho Democracy era.

Whether it's dissolving a large number of old right-wing political parties, creating a discussion organization that brings everyone together, or even incorporating a large number of communists into parliament and uniting everyone on the same political path, all of this is reminiscent of the New System Movement promoted by the Konoe Fumimaro Cabinet in 1939-1940, which ultimately resulted in the abstract concept of the Imperial Rule Assistance Association.

Ironically, most of Japan's modern political families and forces were active in the Japanese Diet during the period of Imperial Rule Assistance, through cross-party collective efforts. After Japan's defeat in the war, the Imperial Way Faction and the military were purged by the United States, allowing these parliamentary politicians to rise to power. For example, the Hatoyama family, now pro-China, was a major faction in Japanese political parties even before the war.

This time is no different. Many politicians who originally held right-wing positions were eliminated in successive political trials, so they sent their family members, brothers, wives and daughters to run for office and sided with Lee Sing-ho's public meetings.

And now, even the characteristic of communism has been inherited one-to-one. Former yakuza groups such as the Central Nuclear Faction, the Revolutionary Marxist Faction, and the Revolutionary Labor Union have planted bombs and smoothly slipped into parliament.

The difference is that Konoe Fumimaro is a weak and incompetent coward who is unable to support the government or control the military, while Li Xinghe is a train engine without brakes, crashing through all obstacles in his path.

……

The daytime conference has concluded.

Li Xinghe arrived at the bar in Nanjiaduomei, exhausted.

This place is basically no longer open to the public, so as soon as Li Xinghe entered, he collapsed wearily onto the bar.

Both Bluebird Mom and Nan Jiaduomei are here today.

Wearing her old volleyball player uniform, which was stretched taut to the point of being almost brittle, the mother, Guanyinlong Qingniao, enthusiastically pinched Li Xinghe's nose:

"You're currently the most talked-about person in the country. Everyone's talking about the 2030 infrastructure bill—more electricity, more water, more internet—that's your slogan, right?"

Li Xinghe hugged Nan Jiaduomei's chest in distress, trying to soothe his wounded heart, which had been hurt by the Japanese senator Sabby.

"How can we get everyone involved to keep our infrastructure projects going?"

The biggest problem with such large-scale infrastructure projects is how to implement them. Unfortunately, Japan suffers from a severe shortage of plumbers and electricians, as evidenced by the water pipe renovation project in Tokyo. The hole dug by the 70-year-old man in Yashio City has been delayed for several years and is still not being repaired.

As Yajima Shiro crept closer, he excitedly nudged his arm and said eagerly:

"Isn't a nationwide mobilization the only option?"

In the postwar Japanese political landscape, leftists, students, entertainers, and ethnic minorities such as Koreans and Chinese often shared a common destiny. Therefore, many seemingly charismatic left-wing liberals had various forms of communist party support behind them.

However, their ability to mobilize the people is not strong, since the workers, the Communist Party's biggest base, are mostly on the right wing.

Li Xinghe scratched his head:

"But we can't legislate."

Of course, the national mobilization system cannot be directly legislated.

Because the previous National Mobilization Law was a notorious mess created by militarists.

Because it cannot legislate, it cannot be a purely governmental organization.

Bluebird Mother looked at the impatient Yajima Hiroshi and smiled, trying to bring them together:

"Let Yajima Hiroko teach you; she's always been doing grassroots mobilization."

Li Xinghe was exhausted.

She wanted to rest in the gentle, hidden corner of Minami Kadomi, but was dragged away by Yajima Hiroshi, who had a flat chest like a nail-board airport.

Damn it, I love it!

Li Xinghe's inner fantasy.

Hiromu Yajima invited Li Xinghe to the discount supermarket she was in charge of.

In the past, this place needed to hire thugs to fight against gangsters. Now, discount supermarkets are no longer special; the price-controlled goods supplied by the price committee can freely enter every supermarket.

Many Communist Party members sat idly nearby, looking rather overly relaxed.

Yajima Shiro clenched his little fist:

“We should identify those among the working masses who are good at organizing people and form a grassroots national cooperative organization. Together, we can do community work, dismantle roads, replace water pipes, and work together to protect everyone’s lives. Therefore, I want to reorganize the All-China Students’ Federation Youth Association and the Red Halberd Society under me into a broader grassroots people’s organization.”

Li Xinghe also clapped his hands suddenly.

Indeed, it would be a great pity to waste such an elite student force as the Red Halberd Society on political struggles.

We should try to encourage them to go to the grassroots level to create and learn, as a way to cultivate the next generation of elites.

"You're right, that's how it should be done. Let me think about how to do it..."

Li Xinghe became engrossed in the reflections sparked by online politics, pondering how to cultivate his own grassroots connections.

Yajima Hiroshi gritted his teeth beside him:

"That's right, mobilize!"

Seeing that his ambiguous emphasis failed to resonate with Li Xinghe, Yajima Xun simply drove the car into a small alley.

"what?"

Li Xinghe was puzzled.

Then I saw Yajima Hiroshi take off his short-sleeved shirt, revealing his not-so-large breasts and his slender but muscular body with well-defined ribs.

"This kind of mobilization..."

Before Li Xinghe could speak, Yajima Xun forcibly kissed him. As they kissed, the two of them fell back onto the driver's seat. Yajima Xun used the same riding position they had used the first time to unbuckle Li Xinghe's belt.

"That's exactly the kind of mobilization!"

Then, like a capitalist, Yajima Hiroshi exploited the poor farmhand Daisei, forcing him to hand over his reserved essence.

Yajima Hiroshi first mobilized Li Xinghe.

……

Maebashi City, Kanai Town.

As a model unit of the Kanto Agricultural Reclamation Station, more than 3000 townspeople gathered together to form a large town, and their living standards improved steadily thanks to suburban agricultural production.

Koizumi, also known as Izumi Shin-ho, sat leisurely in the newly renovated Buddhist temple, sipping tea.

Several village instructors, security guards, and outstanding model workers sat together looking at the orders sent down from the company.

"Township Service Association?"

Everyone sat down together to study:

“Monk Quan, you can read, so please tell us about it.”

After studying the instruction manual for a long time, Monk Quan pondered and explained:

"Well, the higher-ups said... to rely on the outstanding talents of each state farm station to form a town service association, so that they can help each other and cooperate with each other."

Koizumi couldn't say anything more.

The agricultural instructor picked it up to read, then exclaimed in sudden realization:

"In short, if there are new residents moving in, we should help them find language schools, jobs, and accommodation. If there are policies that benefit all residents, everyone should volunteer to do so and benefit everyone."

People from China immediately understood:

"It's just a larger neighborhood committee."

The so-called Townsmen Service Association was a political action group established by Li Xinghe, Aso Ayako, Shika Michika Eimi, Kannon Taki Aotori and Higashikawa Yukami and her daughter, with Yajima Hiroshi and many grassroots Communist Party organizations as its core.

This is the first public national mobilization in Japan organized by a semi-governmental organization.

The goal of the mobilization was to get everyone to dig up the sewer pipes and fix Tokyo’s increasingly deteriorating water supply system.

Since Monk Quanxin and the others didn't quite understand, they invited Chinese immigrants to explain what a neighborhood committee was.

"Oh, isn't that the town's self-governing association?"

The Japanese also realized it.

After much coordination, the entire town gathered more than 200 able-bodied men, who, under the leadership of the monk Izumi Shin, embarked on a new round of infrastructure construction, digging trenches, burying water supply pipelines, and working hard to build a modern life.

Soon, a truck carrying water pipes arrived, and after replacing and burying the pipes, many families in Kinai Town who relied on well water were able to obtain more tap water.

At this time, residents of other towns and villages, filled with dissatisfaction, surrounded the truck transporting the water pipes and demanded an explanation from local officials:

"Why should their water supply pipes be repaired first? We are all citizens of Kaka, even if they are Chinese, this is too much."

The person in charge scratched his head in confusion:

"What Chinese or Japanese? You guys are really out of your minds."

"That's because they first assembled a community service team of free laborers, and all the townspeople worked together to dig up the water pipes. So of course we buried their pipes first. If you can finish digging within a week, we can replace your old water pipes right away."

Everyone suddenly realized.

Towns and cities with large indigenous populations in Japan typically have their own local councils and related small political parties.

With these local governments serving as the breeding grounds, more town service groups were established.

They work between the town council and the town hall, serving as a mobilization link between the government and the public to help Lee Sung-ha implement his policies. Although not a grassroots organization of Lee Sung-ha's public party, the town service association has effectively become the grassroots parent body of the public council.

Faced with the enthusiastic new urban renovation projects across the Kanto Plain, the town's self-governing body spontaneously hired excavators to solve the problem of organization in replacing water pipes, which impressed the monk Izumi Shin.

He suddenly realized:

"Don't argue, do things. Don't daydream, work. Movement makes all things lively, while inactivity breeds all kinds of misfortune."