Yes, Prime Minister of Japan

Intense ideological debates have erupted across Japanese universities.

Li Xinghe's comprehensive left-leaning strategy was certainly good, catering to the political demands of most students and fulfilling their long-held desire for an anti-right-wing government. However, the changes in the curriculum were so terrible that many ordinary university students felt fear.

The college students who supported Li Xinghe's campaign said:

"We have broken the shackles imposed on us by the old Japan and the old Yamato people, but now we are about to enter a whole new world. The East Asian Community, the Japan-China-Korea Free Trade Area, ASEAN+3, these can all be thoroughly promoted."

But the genuine anti-war leftists on campus fiercely criticized Li Xinghe:

"Li Xinghe is not anti-war at all! He is clearly using curriculum revisions that favor Chinese identity to circumvent war restrictions and provide an excuse for expanding his army and launching larger-scale wars. If he really had a clear understanding of the past history, he should immediately disband his coalition army."

The left wing is also splitting.

Those who support Li Xinghe are criticizing the opposing side:

"You crazy leftist!"

Those who opposed Li Xinghe countered:

"Is he going to let him rule the world like this? First, there was the fierce battle between the Ryukyu guerrillas and the US military, and now all the Ryukyu guerrillas have joined his coalition forces. Then he invaded South Korea, and by manipulating the internal political struggles, he turned the world upside down, overthrowing the old South Korean government and establishing the Seventh Republic. Now he's creating a Pacific standoff with Vance, and sending troops to invade Haiti to establish a so-called peacekeeping government. He's practically becoming an emperor!"

"In my opinion, his next step will be to interfere in Southeast Asia, looking for breakthroughs in the Philippines, Thailand and Myanmar, to shape his so-called 'Greater China Federation' plan."

The students actually have a pretty good eye.

But the arguments and disturbances at school could not affect Li Xinghe, who was lying in the shrine.

He also met with some sensitive figures here.

For example, Wu Jianzhong, the Human Resources General Manager of Sally Group.

Wu Jianzhong, who arrived under the guise of discussing business, sighed in his room:

"I have to admit, you're like a locomotive without a speed reducer, without tracks, and without brakes. You can go wherever you want, and you wouldn't care if you killed someone."

Li Xinghe shrugged and went straight to explaining his next plan:

"I will consider using maximum power to siphon Taiwan's resources, including businesses, population, and even the Taiwanese military. First, I will protect those who are currently being persecuted, such as pro-unification and centrists. Second, I will wait until those pro-independence and pro-green/pro-blue groups who are afraid of being purged after independence fall into my hands. I will make them realize that Japan under the capitalist system is not so easy to navigate. I want to know my family's attitude on this matter."

Prior to this, Li Xinghe's actions of exiling Japanese right-wingers to Taiwan and having them stationed on the beachhead under the guise of civilian support had already sparked much discussion on the island. Subsequently, Li Xinghe gave the green light to Taiwanese immigrants, attracting hundreds of thousands of island residents who were eager to abandon ship.

A closer look reveals that pro-unification supporters in Taiwan tend to hold their ground, with staunch DPP members stationed in Tainan ready to fight the CCP. On the other hand, various political opportunists and DPP opinion leaders, the clowns dancing on stage, are either sending their wives or children over, while a whole bunch of trash carrying US dollars are heading to Tokyo for pleasure.

These people alone are not enough.

Taiwan has a population of 2300 million, and under the long-term education of both the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), a significant gap has emerged between Taiwan and mainland China.

Why not let Japan act as a buffer, withdrawing the population that Li Xinghe desperately needs, thus achieving a certain degree of "keeping the island but not the people," and creating buffer space for the mainland's governance of Taiwan.

Wu Jianzhong was somewhat tempted:

"In Taiwan..."

Li Xinghe emphasized:

“Next year is the midterm election, and you know Vance will be in a very passive position. The Democrats will not only make a big comeback, but may even try to stage a coup similar to the 'January 1.6' Capitol Hill riot to oust Vance and the Republicans.”

Without a doubt, by the fall of 2030, they should take advantage of the turmoil in the United States and carry out their killings.

Wu Jianzhong inquired:

How many people do you want?

Li Xinghe extended five fingers, then transformed them into two hands:

"Give me at least 500 million, or even 1000 million. Squeeze out all the pus and blood from the pro-independence and pro-unification camps. If these people go to Japan, they can help me adjust Japan's population ratio."

Those who support the pro-independence camp, especially the pro-independence and pro-unification camps, have a particularly strong yearning for Japan. Li Xinghe is giving them the green light, and they are afraid of the impending war, so they will definitely run away.

What if they continue their anti-China stance in Japan?

Wu Jianzhong immediately realized that this was a stupid question.

Li Xinghe is not the same as the previous Liberal Democratic Party government in Japan. He is a political strongman who likes to use military force to demonstrate his stance. If pro-independence parties from the DPP and KMT come to Japan, they will only bar their teeth at each other like stray dogs on the street. Who would dare to say a word against Li Xinghe?

People are cheap when they leave their hometown, and so are spineless dogs.

Li Xinghe also has many other ingenious ideas:

"Actually, I have another suggestion. After I've squeezed all the money, assets, and wives and daughters out of these people, I'll send them to the Philippines or Haiti to fill in the gaps. What do you think?"

Old Wu clutched his chest helplessly:

"Where's my nitroglycerin?" Mei Youxiang, Mei Xiang, no time, Lin Zaizai, where is it...?

Chapter 744: Li Xinghe on the Three Major Relationships and the Son of Nuclear Power (4500 words)

In September, the bright moon hangs high in the sky.

At this time, Japan's constitutional reform had entered a critical phase, and Li Xinghe's major changes to ethnicity, curriculum guidelines, and the emperor system were attracting the attention of many countries.

Even Wu Jianzhong brought many domestic problems.

He did not respond to Li Xinghe's demand for population data, but instead talked about immigration security first.

He asked with a hint of anxiety:

"How are you going to handle immigration relations in Japan? Look at the United States, things are in complete chaos there."

Li Xinghe actually has a very serious research report on this issue:

"The issue of immigrants in the United States is a matter of the distribution of benefits, not the immigrants themselves. It's about the anger of a hundred middle-class men who have lost their jobs. But I didn't make middle-class men in Japan lose their jobs. Because most of those who actually come here go to farm, or work in emerging industries like food delivery or ride-hailing, or take the civil service exam, which Japanese people don't like to do. I have control over this aspect."

Self-interest is how human nature is determined.

If Li Xinghe were to bring in a large group of Chinese to compete for jobs that Japan traditionally excels at, and then drive the native inhabitants to eat excrement, then of course civil conflict would erupt. But the problem is that a large number of newly arrived immigrants are going to jobs that Japan doesn't like to do, or that aren't traditionally advantageous areas, so the Japanese are just making empty threats.

If you're so capable, don't buy cabbages produced by new immigrants that cost 200 yen a head.

If you're so capable, then don't use the cheap electricity generated by Li Xinghe's infrastructure plan.

The example of the opposite is that of Joe Biden.

Why did Biden, a supposedly benevolent figure, become the source of a deep divide in American society, transforming the DPRK from a policy of racial reconciliation into a major eruption of racial and class conflict? The answer lies in the utter corruption and incompetence of his domestic governance policies, which have provoked widespread public outrage. The ultimate reason for his tarnished reputation, the rise of the Maga. movement, and the nationwide shift in public opinion towards China is, in fact, his China policy.

"Then you are much better than Biden."

Wu Jianzhong sighed deeply.

Because Biden has been maintaining interest rate hikes, he is attempting to use financial means to buy off Chinese financial and industrial capital. He is using financial means to force Chinese financial institutions to invest in US stocks, and using diplomatic means to force Chinese manufacturing sectors to move away from China's foreign policy and relocate overseas.

Biden's series of moves truly disgusted China in those years, prompting many financial and industrial sectors to relocate overseas and restructure in places like Singapore. This even led to calls for "industrial betrayal," with everyone watching to see which Chinese companies were leaving.

But this approach comes at a price. The price is all Americans.

Because maintaining a strategy of expanding the balance sheet while raising interest rates for an extended period is essentially squeezing money from Americans to satisfy Biden's foreign policy. It's tantamount to Biden using financial and policy concessions through interest rate hikes to exclude ordinary Americans from the table, while inviting high-ranking officials from China's financial and industrial sectors to dine with him in the US, thereby isolating the Chinese government.

If Biden inherited Obama's racial equality policies, effectively removing a segment of white Americans from the table and replacing them with Black people, then Biden's economic policies have offended the majority of Americans, essentially draining their resources to support the financial sector, and even the financial sector originating from China.

As a result, the Magas erupted on a large scale. They voted for the isolationist Trump and declared, "Enough is enough. We want to decouple from China and live our own lives."

When Trump arrived, he kicked the Chinese Americans who had been invited to the table by Biden, sending them packing.

So it's not that Trump necessarily wants to make a big mess in the trade war, but rather that his voters and supporters have already chosen this mess when they filled out their ballots.

Only after Li Xinghe had a clear plan for immigration did Wu Jianzhong ask:

"Since you are confident that you can control the employment problem of immigrants, how do you plan to attract Taiwanese immigrants?"

Li Xinghe stood up, opened the sliding door of the ancient shrine, revealing the rustic corridors and courtyard outside.

He paced back and forth:

"There is only one sign that the mainland will begin a decisive battle with the Taiwan Strait: directly engaging in war and persuasion to relocate Taiwanese residents. I know very well what to do then. I will oppose Lai Ching-te’s policy of kidnapping the people. The more he kidnaps, the more people I can recruit."

The two major political parties, the KMT and the DPP, that are currently hopping around on Frog Island are no longer the core issue that the mainland is concerned about. The real challenge is how to quickly, efficiently, and swiftly send troops to the island in order to minimize the DPP's defense strategy of holding the people hostage.

Lai Ching-kuo's pro-independence defense plan is a blatant example of the Ukrainian model, placing various missiles and artillery positions in residential areas, using human shields to attempt to coerce the mainland with human shields.

Therefore, Li Xinghe's assessment is that if the mainland is determined to retake Taiwan, the most crucial sign will be the delivery of a "war or peace, persuasion to leave" message to the Taiwanese residents. This is a declaration of war tantamount to an ultimatum.

If you leave peacefully, no matter where you go—whether it's mainland China, Malaysia, Singapore, Japan, or Okinawa—you can return to Taiwan peacefully after the war. But if you are held hostage by the DPP's policies and cannot leave, you can only accept your fate and find a way to save yourself.

If you're determined to be a human shield for the DPP, then die (no mercy).

In this complex web of contradictions and conflicts, Li Xinghe's population absorption strategy is actually the best solution.

Li Xinghe opened a loophole for Taiwan: wherever Lai Ching-te planned to build a missile base in a residential area, Li would incite the residents to relocate to the safety of Japan, thus dismantling the DPP's plan to use the people as human shields. And the DPP couldn't stop Li Xinghe from poaching people, because the more they tried to stop him, the more people fled.

With the increasing population on the Japanese islands, these islanders who only understand Chinese can quickly alter the Japanese population ratio and become Li Xinghe's control.

With a declining population on the island of Taiwan, the influx of new immigrants will be much less troublesome, and they won't have to deal with disgusting pests like the pro-independence and pro-unification groups.

Even the island's ethnic minorities were pleased. Because the Kuomintang inherited the repressive policies of the Ming and Qing dynasties, their conflicts with the Han Chinese on the island were extremely intense, and they preferred the path of ethnic reconciliation in socialist China. This is also why they supported Japan during World War II and the mainland after the war—because only in this way could they avoid being bullied.

Wu Jianzhong continued to ponder deeply.

His questioning was conducted in a step-by-step manner.

First, they asked the immigrants who had already settled on the island—this was the past; then they asked the immigrants who were preparing to settle on the island—this was the present; finally, they asked about future Sino-Japanese relations and immigration issues—this was the future.

He asked, "So how do you view and maintain future Sino-Japanese relations?"

Li Xinghe naturally had his own profound insights. "Plum blossoms bloom, you sing, you have time, Lin Zaizai, are you there...?"

He commented sharply:

"The essence of China-Japan relations is only one issue: security!"

Li Xinghe succinctly revealed the essence of the matter.

He further elaborated:

"In fact, Japan's international relations only have this one problem: who will provide the security treaty? This is the main contradiction that Shigeru Yoshida grasped after the war in the last century."

In other words, the question is whether Japan's "father" is the United States or China.

Li Xinghe's confident assessment:

"Whether it's Junichiro Koizumi or Shinzo Abe, who initially aligned themselves with China but later with the US, the reason for their shifts was their inability to obtain security commitments from China. The kind of security commitments they expected were only available to imperialist countries—like a doghouse bestowed by its master upon its dog. China is not an imperialist power. A major reason for Fumio Kishida's resignation was his attempt to align himself entirely with the US and decouple from China, which provoked general political groups in Japan, forcing him to step down. Japan can only maintain a balance between China and the US—politically cold but economically warm towards China, and politically warm but economically cold towards the US. This is like walking a tightrope in high heels; even pragmatists like Shigeru Ishiba have to tread carefully to maintain this balance."

There is a consensus among all political groups in Japan: once Japan breaks away from the security protection of the United States, it will face collective retaliation from Asian countries. However, if China can provide Japan with a leash called a 'security treaty' like imperialist powers do, Japan will obediently put it on and immediately switch sides to China, turning against the United States.

The problem is that China in 2001 and 2006 couldn't make such a promise; it lacked aircraft carriers and blue-water power, and was far from being an imperialist hegemon. The current China can make that promise, but it cannot adopt an imperialist stance due to significant domestic political resistance. At least, public anger shows no signs of abating.

"In other words, although I have dealt with Japanese political groups several times with a heavy hand, they will still support me in the end. They will still support my constitutional reform and curriculum reform, because only through such reforms can Japan be preserved."

Therefore, as long as this contradiction is grasped, Li Xinghe's governance will be fine.

Shinzo Abe's ability to walk a tightrope between the US and China is unparalleled in modern Japan, but in the 2020s, as we approach the 2030s, even if he were to be resurrected, he wouldn't be able to withstand the pressure.

Japan needs an even more skilled tightrope walker.

At this moment, Li Xinghe appeared.

Only Li Xinghe can simultaneously meet many effective conditions, such as deep involvement in American politics, control of a military force, being of Chinese descent, and being able to engage in ethnic-level peace talks with China at any time.

In other words, present-day Japan must accept Li Xinghe's new constitution, new curriculum, and new weapon, and accept the reality of self-destruction of national identity for the next generation. The politicians of the Liberal Democratic Party have no choice but to accept Li Xinghe's rule.

Because if they don't accept it, Japan will face collective retaliation from most of Asia, and even from the United States and Australia. The Japanese themselves don't even dare to imagine what kind of death they will suffer.

Therefore, even if Li Xinghe really forced Emperor Naruhito to abdicate and forcibly put a one-year-old baby on the throne, Japanese political groups would not dare to say much.

After making such a long argument, Li Xinghe dared to make a judgment:

"In other words, as long as I continue to receive support from the country, I will be as stable as Mount Tai."

There is only one thing that could force Li Xinghe to step down: if he is unable to provide Japan with security guarantees for China.

If one day China suddenly declares that "Li Xinghe is an enemy of the Chinese people and Japan must be destroyed," then Li Xinghe will be no different from a dog on the street.

"Of course, the country supports you."

Wu Jianzhong stated decisively, denying the possibility of Li Xinghe's words.

There is no possibility that China will abandon Brother Li.

But Lao Wu also emphasized: "As long as you restrain yourself a little and don't go too far. For example, when dealing with the Philippines, you should consult with the domestic authorities before doing so next time."

After all, Li Xinghe's impulsive rule on several occasions has caused everyone to break their backs.

Wu Jianzhong rubbed his now hairless forehead and said:

"You're having a hard time, and so am I."

Li Xinghe smiled as he recited his lines: