All of this has led to the current situation—they may not fear "Chairman Li," but they are definitely afraid of "Instructor Ma." On the surface, UMP45 appears to be diverting some of the power and prestige that should have belonged to Li Desheng, even appearing to be "taking over the reins."

But in fact, because she always "obeyed" Li Desheng's orders, this forced the group of people to respect Li Desheng even more;

At least, things like the time when Li Desheng first came to the Red Fourth Front in early April, when a group of low-ranking officers and soldiers dared to shout and question him in a meeting, would not happen again; otherwise, hmph...

"horse.."

Chen Changhao, the political commissar of the Red Fourth Front Army, who was less than 26 years old, carefully defended himself: "Commissioner Ma, the comrades are quite anxious and want to..."

"No matter how much you think about it, you can't make a scene here. Is the Red Fourth Front under the Party's command, or are you guys acting on your own?"

UMP45's voice was soft and calm. She glanced at everyone calmly, yet everyone held their breath. Then she ordered, "Alright! Except for those the Chairman has requested, everyone else, return to your stations! Wait for orders from the Central Bureau and the Military Commission!"

"...Yes! Sister Ma!"

A group of officers, not knowing whether they had achieved their goal or not, left dejectedly. Several of them were stopped again:

"Liu Ying, Ni Zhiliang... the injured comrades, please stay put for now. The surgical equipment has arrived from Wuhan. Stay put and wait for me to operate on you."

The officers who were about to leave paused, stood up straight, and saluted with an extremely proper attitude.

Even Liu Ying, lying on a stretcher, saluted with a trembling right hand. Although a little embarrassed, the light in his eyes fully revealed his respect and gratitude. After the officers left, UMP45 said to Li Desheng with a smile:

"Chairman, these people deserve to be punished. If all else fails, just find a few of the most aggressive ones and kill them publicly. The others will behave themselves."

The Red Fourth Front Army's Commander-in-Chief Xu Xiangqian, Political Commissar Chen Changhao, Chief of Staff Li Angci, Director of the Political Department Liu Shiqi, and other high-ranking military officials felt a chill in their spines. He Zizhen was present and patted his friend on the back, seemingly indignantly.

"Don't joke around, the Red Fourth Front Army..."

"Oh, sorry, sorry..."

“You…”

Li Desheng, along with his wife, glared at the "eccentric" fellow and shook his head, saying, "If I really do that, won't I become the second Zhang Guotao?"

The group of people just breathed a sigh of relief, but their expressions became stern again because of the next sentence:

"Hehe, Chairman, have you become afraid to kill? If you don't dare to kill, I will do it!"

Ah ah ah ah ah ah ah!

Instructor Ma! Why are you so obsessed with killing people? Are you really a female tyrant?

"It's not impossible to kill someone, but there must be clear charges and actual evidence. I made this very clear before I came here."

Li Desheng glanced at UMP45, then skipped the topic. After discussing the distribution of supplies with everyone for a while, he let them go. After everyone had left, UMP45 spoke directly:

"Chairman, those people just now might have teamed up to deliberately deceive you..."

According to her understanding, among the group of officers who had just arrived, some were indeed just that way; while others might have been following instructions from others...

For example, the last senior general to leave, he might...

"I know they're trying to test me, to get a feel for my limits and my temper," Li Desheng replied calmly, before adding another criticism:

"Also, intra-party spying is prohibited, Comrade Ma Shiwu."

"I know, I know. I'm just guessing. There's no reconnaissance..." UMP45 lied nonchalantly and suggested:

"Chairman, if you want to quickly take control of the Red Fourth Front Army, you'd better launch a campaign and win a major victory, so that you can gain a firm foothold." The reason those people dared to make trouble, in addition to the reasons mentioned above, was because the teacher "seemed mild-tempered," "did not kill anyone to establish his authority," and "lacked achievements."

As for his temper, the teacher has gradually learned to control it (compared to the Central Soviet Area), and rarely gets angry as before. However, the teacher is absolutely unwilling to kill people indiscriminately. The only way to suppress these arrogant soldiers of the Red Fourth Front is to win a big victory.

Just like when Zhang Guotao, a scholar, first arrived.

but...

"No."

Li Desheng still shook his head:

"It has been determined before that the Red Fourth Front Army needs rest, training, and reformation. We cannot attack the Kuomintang for the sake of my personal authority. That would be more harm than good.

Since Zhang Guotao came, the Red Fourth Front Army has been fighting almost non-stop. Although it has won many victories, the army has been exhausted to the extreme, and the consumption of supplies is even more terrible. Therefore, even if the Red Fourth Front Army wants to attract attention for the Central Red Army, it must rest at this time. Otherwise, let alone "attracting hatred", it will fail if it encounters a larger encirclement and suppression.

"..."

UMP45 nodded, but sighed softly inwardly. Just as the Commander said...

Perhaps, this is the "teacher"!

175 Red Four (×) Bandits (V)

Just as Mark guessed, Li Desheng was absolutely unwilling to maintain his own authority by making random accusations and killing people, fighting a war regardless of the actual situation, or losing his temper and scaring people. Li Desheng's line of thinking has always been very clear - to rely firmly on the power of the broad masses of the people and subvert all monsters and demons.

When he was in the Central Soviet Area, he had been unable to implement many of his ideas because of too many restrictions and opposition, and because he was "suppressed by the Communist International." But now that he had arrived in the Hubei-Henan-Anhui Soviet Area...

Honestly, it feels a bit like "the sea is wide, the fish can leap freely," "no one can control it," "a general on the battlefield is not subject to military orders," and "I am the king of the frontier, and I have the final say." "...I declare that, effective immediately, the Military Committee is officially established!"

“Pah pah pah pah pah….”

Although the soldiers in the audience were confused and didn't know what this "Military Committee" was for, they still followed the officers in applauding out of habit.

However, after Li Desheng and others patiently explained it to them, they quickly understood the function of this thing and became excited.

Because, even those who couldn't read a single word understood that this "military committee" would definitely benefit them in every way and not in any way!

The Chinese Communist Party's army is the Red Army. The Red Army is the people's army, originating from the people and serving the people... The primary principle of a people's army is the equality of officers and soldiers in terms of personality... Officers may criticize soldiers for errors in discipline and military skills, but from today on, any beating or scolding of soldiers will absolutely not be tolerated..."

"...What does it mean? It doesn't matter if you're a squad leader, platoon leader, company commander, battalion commander, regimental commander, division commander, army commander, or even the commander-in-chief!"

"If a soldier under your command stands at the wrong posture, shoots incorrectly, or even fails to memorize military regulations, you can criticize, reprimand, educate, and guide him, but you are not allowed to insult or even beat him!" "You are definitely not allowed to impose any form of corporal punishment on soldiers! Slapping, punching, spitting...etc. are not allowed!"

"All punishments against soldiers or officers must be decided by the Party organization. No individual is allowed to impose penalties on soldiers beyond the prescribed limits!"

Some of the soldiers present at the meeting let out quiet exclamations and cheers. "God have mercy on me!"

In the Red Fourth Front Army, the things Li Desheng said were commonplace.

Not to mention ordinary beatings and insults, do you think there are no punishments like those used by Kuomintang officers and bandit groups?

If these things did not exist, then the various horrific tortures used by the Red Fourth Front Army on its own people during the anti-counterrevolutionary campaign came out of thin air? Were they invented by Zhang Guotao alone? Come on.

Look, the officers sitting in the front row are almost all the ones who like to beat and scold soldiers the most.

Take Yu Tianyun, who "gets along well" with others in front of Li Desheng, for example. What has this guy done in history?

The troops were marching on a narrow mountain road. When turning a corner, the horses slipped and Yu Tianyun fell off. Without asking why, he fired three shots at the groom, seriously injuring him. Because the bugler's blowing of the bugle disturbed his sweet dream, Yu Tianyun raised his hand and shot the bugler to death. Afterwards, he was safe because Zhang Guotao tried his best to protect him (Huan Mao had already shot him).

When the 274th Regiment's commander Zhou Shiyuan met up with the Central Red Army, out of admiration for Zhu, he gave a mule he had captured to General Zhu. When Yu Tianyun heard about this, he sent someone to beat Zhou up.

When he was the commander of the 30th Red Army, because of a disagreement with the Political Department Director Zhang Chengtai, Yu Tianyun raised his hand and slapped the other party's teeth out. Afterwards, because Zhang Guotao protected him and he was not punished, Zhang Chengtai was forced to transfer out of the 30th Army. In addition to such extremely bad nature and behavior, he also snatched the favorite weapons of subordinates who were about to be transferred, beat Li Xiannian and teachers of the Red Army University, mocked anyone he disliked, and so on.

Fu Zhong, who was once deputy director of the General Political Department of the Red Fourth Front Army (later a general in the People's Liberation Army), said in a report:

...Yu (Tianyun) was corrupt and wasteful at the time, his ideology was in shambles, he engaged in serious banditry, and he was incompetent. He didn't pay attention to grasping policies, and sometimes he even undermined them. "...Of the guards and messengers who worked with Yu Tianyun, very few had never been beaten by him. A communications team of over a hundred people had all been beaten by him, some even several times in a row..." Do you think Yu Tianyun was the only one who suffered this?

Is his low quality because he has a low position and lacks political awareness?

No, no, no, even Ni Zhiliang and Chen Changhao, who now hold higher positions, are not much better.

Chen Changhao was listening to Ni Zhiliang's report on the front line over the phone. Because of the noise, he couldn't hear clearly. So he asked Ni Zhiliang to repeat himself. Ni suddenly yelled, "Alpaca, are you deaf?" Then, Chen Changhao stopped listening, abandoned his combat mission, and personally rode to the front. Without a word, he whipped Ni Zhiliang in public...

Even He Shifu (He Wei), who was later transferred to the Red Fourth Front Army, became increasingly arrogant and unruly under the influence of this atmosphere, and even shot and tried to kill or scare Zhou Xihan, the combat chief with whom he worked closely. (Because He Wei was from Cantonese and his dialect was difficult to understand, only Zhou Xihan could fully understand what he was saying and keep up with his rhythm.)

You have to know that when He Wei was working in the First Red Army, he was just arrogant because he was a college student and a senior veteran, but he was not as bandit-like as before. This shows what the real style of the "local faction" of the Fourth Red Army is like.

Under Zhang Guotao's deliberate indulgence, this banditry reached its peak when the Fourth Front Army of the Red Army joined forces with the Central Red Army. Because their styles were fundamentally different, the two sides immediately disliked each other.

Therefore, it is not an exaggeration at all when the First Red Army calls the Fourth Red Army "bandit-like" and "warlord-like".

(Of course, the Red Four group called the Red One "stinking intellectual," "old opportunist," and "spineless person who dared not fight a tough battle.")

(Here we must diss Zhang Guotao, that bastard. He killed people in the Red Fourth Army, which frightened some people and made them restrain themselves. But later, in order to consolidate power, he indulged them even more, which made the military discipline problem even worse.) Now, these bandits have been completely deprived of their power to beat and scold soldiers at will. Do they dare to say anything?

dare not.

They all sat there with their heads down, not saying a word.

This wasn't entirely because they were afraid of Li Desheng or UMP45, but mainly because they had been frightened by the "grievance meetings" held in various locations in the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area. Although the soldiers were crying until their eyes bled and looked utterly miserable, the power they unleashed shocked and frightened anyone with a guilty conscience.

In particular, the execution of several officers who had committed serious crimes and had aroused great resentment among the soldiers was a chilling experience for those officers who had always loved to beat and scold soldiers. People like Yu Tianyun, who had an extreme contempt for political cadres and an extreme dislike for political work, would privately tell others after returning home:

..This political work is really terrible...Everyone is like crazy...It feels like they (the soldiers) would go if they were asked to carry explosives to blow up the city walls..."

(Once, when the battle was blocked, this fellow not only refused to think of a solution, but also mocked Li Xiannian and other cadres who were trying to find a solution: "Go teach the enemy a political lesson, and you can take this hill.")

Therefore, after attending several soldiers' grievance meetings, the phenomenon of officers of the Red Fourth Front Army beating and scolding soldiers was greatly reduced. Even if they still dared to beat and scold soldiers, the intensity of their beatings was like "tickling" and "joking".

As for officers who, similarly from impoverished backgrounds, had joined the soldiers in "complaining," they quickly struck a chord with their subordinates, admitted their previous mistakes, and truly integrated into the team. The grievance meeting was an incredibly effective tool. Even if it couldn't reform everyone, it could, through the broader context, force those who hadn't been fully reformed to behave themselves.

This is the confidence that gave Li Desheng the courage to move powerful tools such as "Soldiers' Committee" and "Establishing Party Branches in Companies" directly from the First Red Army to the Fourth Red Army.

Yes, unexpected, right?

There was no such thing as a "Soldiers' Committee" in the Red Fourth Front Army from beginning to end;

As for "establishing party branches at the company level," that did happen, but rather than "realizing the Party's leadership over the army," it was more about "strengthening Zhang Guotao's personal authority through grassroots Party organizations." That makes sense, if you think about it.

Whether it was the "bandit-type team era" before or the "Zhang Guotao era" after, it didn't seem necessary at all. However, now is the "teacher era."

Everything must be back on track!

176 Soldiers' Committee's Radical Errors and Reconstruction

"..This is what I want to say at the outset before the establishment of the Military Commission."

After a very long speech, which the soldier representatives listened to with great interest, afraid to miss a single word, Li Desheng took a sip of water and handed the microphone (a voluntary donation from the Nationalist Army) to Xu Xiangqian, who picked up a manuscript and read carefully:

"Now, let me read out the main duties and basic principles of the Military Commission..."

"First, participate in military management. Every soldier has the right to supervise company commanders, battalion commanders, and regimental commanders... and has the right to report issues to the Political Department and other departments through the Military Committee..."

"Second, maintain military discipline. All soldiers must, under the control of the soldiers' committee, strictly abide by the Red Army's Three Disciplines and Eight Regulations..."

"Third, supervise the military's economic activities..."

The Military Committee, namely, the "Soldiers Committee" played a significant role during the Jinggangshan period.

This was Li Desheng's first attempt after he arrived at the Fourth Red Army and escaped the "suppression" of the Communist International and the Central Committee. Why do I say this?

This is because this system, which was later praised as a miracle by some people on the Internet and regarded as "a model of democracy unique to the Mao era*, and some people used its cancellation to attack the subsequent Party and the People's Liberation Army as "undemocratic", had actually begun to be "gradually" abolished as early as two years ago.

On July 29, 1930, the Executive Committee of the Communist International sent a directive to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China regarding the establishment of the Red Army and the guerrilla movement:

...In the case of the formation of the Red Army in China, the soldiers' committees ... harbored elements of 'committee supremacy' in the worst sense, and lurked the risk of the soldiers' committees turning against the party organization..." "The task of the party is not to merge with the masses, but to lead these masses while maintaining organizational clarity and independence..."

...But the soldiers' committees must be brought under the influence of the Party and not play a leading political role...The Party's future task will be to completely abolish the soldiers' committees..."

In the eyes of the Communist International, the party organization and the soldiers' commissars were in opposition, believing that the two could not coexist and even that the latter was detrimental to the leadership of the former;

They felt that even if soldiers' committees were established, they were merely a stopgap measure and means for the Communist Party to control the army, and they failed to recognize their far-reaching significance for building a new type of people's army. Consequently, under immense pressure from the Communist International, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China issued an order that the soldiers' committees, once a highly influential organization, would disappear from the Chinese Communist Army for a full 16 years. It was not until 1948, when the General Political Department of the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China issued the "Notice on the Establishment of Soldiers' Committees in the Army," that soldiers' committees were re-established.

However, at that time, the soldiers' committees needed the approval of their superiors for everything, which was completely different from the period during the Jinggangshan period. They were abolished again in 53 and "revived" again in 60. Does this mean that the soldiers' committees during the Jinggangshan period were perfect?

Actually not.

Otherwise, if it was directly killed by such an official document, Li Desheng would not have had no reaction at all.

It was precisely because this system caused major problems that both the Communist International and the Chinese Communist Party had complaints about it.

On the surface, the idea that "officers and soldiers are treated equally, soldiers have the freedom to express their opinions, and soldiers can supervise and even punish officers" is indeed very democratic and very "mass-line." But how is it actually implemented?

First of all, it must be acknowledged that the soldiers' committees played an extremely important role in maintaining the military discipline and morale of the Red Army.

The Jinggangshan period was even more difficult and arduous than the Central Soviet Area period, but the Red Army still maintained unity and combat effectiveness that the National Army could never have.

In the words of Li Desheng, "The Red Army's material life was so meager, yet they fought so hard and never tired. This was due, in addition to the Party's role, to the thorough implementation of civil rights." In the words of Su Yu, "It awakened the long-suppressed human dignity of the oppressed... and became a powerful force for everyone to fight and sacrifice for the cause of communism."

It is no exaggeration to say that the existence of this system distinguishes the Red Army from the old warlord armies and even most of the armies in the world.

Even the "birthplace" of the soldiers' committees, the Soviet Red Army, cannot be compared with the Chinese Red Army in this respect.

However, the system also has major problems.

The "equal treatment of officers and soldiers" has, to a certain extent, led to the prevalence of "egalitarianism" in the military, with a tendency to treat good and bad people the same.

Soldiers had the freedom to express their opinions, but this led to great confusion in the thinking of the Red Fourth Army, causing many soldiers to believe that "there is no need for superiors, and everything is decided by the soldiers' committee."

the leadership of the opposition";

Some soldiers with more extreme ideas even believed that "as long as the superiors gave orders, it was 'patriarchalism'" and pointed the finger at Zhu and Mao, demanding that the two commanders get out.

The combination of extreme democratization and the existing bandit ideology in the army resulted in "the party and the Red Army being disorganized and weak, work being done passively, policies being repeatedly wrong, and soldiers deserting in increasing numbers every day."

As for the idea that "soldiers can supervise and even punish officers," this posed even greater problems. This was particularly evident in the early days of the establishment of soldiers' committees.

Due to their inexperience, the Soldiers' Committees once possessed enormous power. They could not only punish disciplinary violators, including officers, but also discuss and decide on major issues such as troop movements. As a result, the Soldiers' Committees, lacking necessary constraints, began to encourage soldiers to disobey officers and even the Party's orders, leading to numerous cases of unscrupulous behavior.

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