The Fourth Outstanding Person of Huangpu Military Academy

Qian Zhuangfei's public identity was a trader, selling goods. Since the First Division was constantly purchasing goods from outside, it made perfect sense for Qian Zhuangfei to come to the First Division headquarters every few days.

However, this batch of trucks was not purchased by Qian Zhuangfei, but was imported directly from the United States by Chen Ying.

"This is the craft you ordered, um, the badge.

Chen Tianheng picked up a badge and examined it carefully. It was a commemorative medal for the Battle of Jiujiang.

Later there were the Fuyang Battle Medal, the Shanghai-Hangzhou Battle Medal, and various small badges.

Chen Tianheng: "The workmanship is very good. Is it made in Shanghai?"

Qian Zhuangfei: "Yes, local factories in Shanghai can make it. This is the letter from General Secretary Chen.

Chen Duxiu's letter described the organization of the Central Committee's meetings after the split. The first meeting was the enlarged meeting of the Fourth National Congress. As expected, six of the nine Central Committee members responded, and two of the five alternate members responded. While the number was small, it exceeded two-thirds.

The expanded conference included Mao Runzhi, but before leaving, Mao Runzhi sent a long telegram to Chen Duxiu, stating his opinions on the current situation.

Mao Zedong did not agree that the new Central Committee should give the Party a new name, which meant that the Party could not end up splitting.

It has to be called the Communist Party of China. It cannot be called the Workers' Party or the Labor Party. It also can be called something other than the Chinese Communist Party (Shanghai) and the Chinese Communist Party (Han). Of course, outsiders may call it that.

Mao Runzhi believed that the "two Chens" should negotiate, of course, this had to be allowed by the Communist International. As to whether the Communist International would allow it, they had to wait for Chen Yannian to test it.

At the same time, the party also announced its own program.

First of all, the Party will continue to support the Northern Expedition of the National Revolutionary Army, just like in Wuhan.

Secondly, the Party will insist on independently formulating its own guidelines and policies and independently implementing them.

Third, the Party will be committed to recovering national rights and interests, strengthening national strength, and eliminating imperialist aggression and exploitation of China, but at the same time it will also strive for a peaceful environment in the country.

Support the Northern Expedition... Ah, the Shanghai party doesn't officially have its own troops?

In fact, there was no such thing in Wuhan. All the army commanders of the Northern Expedition were representatives of powerful factions, and the command of each army belonged to the headquarters. Before the arrival of the "Uprising Day", the Party Central Committee in Wuhan did not control the troops.

The "Uprising Day Plan" was a summary of information sorted out by Chen Tianheng during this period. It was the real strategic arrangement of Wuhan or the Communist International for the Chinese revolution.

In fact, it is just a rewrite of the scripts of the February Revolution and the October Revolution in the Soviet Union.

become.

The Northern Expedition was essentially China's February Revolution. The Northern Expedition overthrew the corrupt and incompetent Beiyang Military Government, unified China, and established a bourgeois regime.

After establishing a bourgeois regime, the Northern Expedition armies, infiltrated by Party representatives, launched China's October Revolution. On "Uprising Day," a cannon shot from the Zhongshan warship launched the revolutionary sailors... where they stormed remains unknown, but they stormed a building, establishing China's Soviet regime.

The February and October Revolutions were relatively close, and the same was true for China. To ensure a quick transition from February to October in China, the Comintern's overall strategy required the introduction of a key NPC: the Anglo-French Army, a counterpart to the German Imperial Army during the Russian Revolution.

Therefore, it is not too difficult to provoke the revolutionary government to continuously challenge the bottom line of Britain and France, and eventually cause Britain and France to join forces to attack China. The newly born nationalist countries after World War I all said, "I have waited for 20/40/60/70/80 years, just to wait for an opportunity, and what I have lost must be taken back!" With this public opinion basis, it is not a provocation out of thin air.

The Northern Expedition Army/National Revolutionary Army was beaten back by the British and French forces, just as the February Government was beaten back by the Germans. As the National Revolutionary Army's defeats became more and more severe, the desire of the lower classes of workers and peasants to overthrow the National Government would become stronger and stronger. At that time, a single shot from the Zhongshan warship would be enough.

Of course, the Zhongshan warship's first shot wasn't the end of the story. The Comintern also considered the possibility of a war of intervention in China, or a civil war between the Red and White factions. However, only the First Army lacked Party representatives, while the other armies did. At worst, Chiang Kai-shek could become Denikin, and Chen Tianheng could become Kolchak. This could be dealt with in two or three years. Given the Soviet Union's munitions production capacity, Chiang Kai-shek and Kolchak would be unable to withstand them, and victory for the Chinese Red Army should be a piece of cake.

This was the overall strategic arrangement of the Communist International, but it was probably not Stalin's idea.

Stalin's plan didn't include the goal of turning China into a Soviet power. He didn't believe the Chinese Communist Party had the capability to successfully carry out a revolution in a country as large as China, even with the Communist International's support. Stalin's plan for China was to stop being anti-Soviet and stop constantly demanding the surrender of Outer Mongolia, the Greater Khingan Range, and so on.

There are already enough troubles in Europe. The countries that emerged after World War I, such as Poland, Finland, Czech Republic and Hungary, are now showing their teeth to the Soviet Union.

Stalin hoped that the Comintern would assist the Kuomintang (KMT) in overthrowing the pro-British, American, French, and Japanese, anti-Soviet Beiyang government. The very act of overthrowing the government was an affront to Western interests, and with even a little Soviet provocation, the new Nationalist government's relations with Britain, the US, and Japan would inevitably deteriorate significantly, with no prospect of improvement for more than a decade. At this point, the Nationalist government, while bourgeois, was forced to align itself diplomatically with the Soviet Union.

Doesn’t this achieve the goal of “ensuring the security of the Soviet Union’s eastern territory”?

As long as this pro-Soviet bourgeois state is established, the Communist parties that assisted it in the Northern Expedition should be allowed to operate freely. Stalin followed the Turkish Revolution closely and would have noticed that after the Turkish National Revolution, the Bolsheviks and left-wing forces split. Half of them joined Kemal, while the other half who did not were suppressed by Kemal. However, in return, a Turkey no longer harbored hostility towards the Soviet Union was created.

As for the fact that many Turkish Bolsheviks who refused to give up their revolutionary goals were actually defeated, it doesn't matter.

Even because the Soviet-backed Bolsheviks had provided considerable assistance to Kemal during the Turkish War of Independence, relations between the two countries continued to warm in the 1920s.

"...The above conjecture is of course just a conjecture. But we should probably pay attention to some of the more dangerous nodes in A.

After Chen Tianheng finished writing the reply letter, he sealed it carefully and let Qian Zhuangfei take it away.

"Hello, Principal.

After returning to downtown Shanghai, Chiang Kai-shek summoned Chen Tianheng to the hotel where he was staying.

He Yingqin, commander of the First Army, was also present.

"Yesterday, General Galen told me that the doors of the Soviet Union's advanced military academies are open to the revolutionary army. Division commanders and regiment commanders from the revolutionary army can go there for further training to acquire the ability to command and fight on a front. General Galen said that you are one of the most suitable officers in the revolutionary army to go to the Soviet Union for further training. Chen Tianheng, what are your thoughts on this matter?"

Oh! Is the refresher course for Liu Bocheng and his group about to start?

But what is there to study at this juncture?

"Principal, I feel that the Northern Expedition is at a critical juncture. If I go to the Soviet Union for further studies, I'm afraid it will delay the Northern Expedition.

"Yeah." Chiang Kai-shek nodded.

Chen Tianheng: "In addition, students feel that combat command at the front and army group levels can be learned not only from the Soviet Union, but also that what is learned from the Soviet Union is not necessarily the best.

Chiang Kai-shek and He Yingqin: "Oh?"

Chen Tianheng: "During the European War, four countries successfully conducted front-level offensive and defensive campaigns: Britain, France, Germany, and Russia. Tsarist Russia's military system and military academy system were influenced by Western Europe, primarily France and Germany. However, despite learning from France and Germany, the Tsarist Russia's army was filled with a large number of aristocratic and royal officers, and even the General Staff was heavily staffed with aristocratic officers, which seriously affected the operational efficiency of the Tsarist army. This was a major reason why the Tsarist Russia's large-scale troop operations during the European War often encountered difficulties."

After the February and October Revolutions, the Soviet Union and the Soviet Union's armies were almost completely rebuilt. Although the Red Army reintroduced a large number of officers from the Tsarist era in the later stages of the Soviet Civil War to strengthen its command, the theoretical level of the entire military system declined significantly compared to the heyday of the Tsarist Russia.

"Of course, the current Soviet Red Army is also working hard to rebuild its entire military capability system, including the ability to command large troop groups, but this will take a long time. Students believe that in ten years, Soviet military academies and the General Staff may be able to completely rebuild their large-scale troop combat capabilities. However, for now, studying in the Soviet Union may only teach a lot of fragmented skills and techniques.

"Well, well, well," Chiang Kai-shek patted the armrest of the sofa, "very well said.

He Yingqin: "Tianheng, when you were at Huangpu, in the First Regiment and the First Division, I remember that you not only learned about Soviet military tactics, but also military command and combat tactics from countries like Britain, France, and Germany. There were a lot of German ones, right?

Chen Tianheng: "Yes, Instructor He, in terms of infantry attack, the students borrowed the offensive tactics of the German Storm Troopers; in terms of defense, they borrowed the tactics of the British and French armies; and in terms of logistics, they also borrowed from the German army.

Chiang Kai-shek: "Well said, well said. I think we should not agree to General Galen's proposal to send officers to the Soviet Union for further training for the time being."

Chapter 61: The Chinese Communist Party is no longer a section of the Communist International

During this meeting, Chiang Kai-shek and He Yingqin also discussed the current situation and progress of the Northern Expedition.

Chiang Kai-shek rejected Sun Chuanfang's request for peace.

After the loss of Nanjing, Sun Chuanfang's territory was limited to northern Anhui and northern Jiangsu, and there were only a few troops left under his command. It was too late to ask for peace, and he was no longer of any value to the united front.

Even in the warlord camp, Sun Chuanfang was pushed down by everyone. Zhang Zuolin and Zhang Zongchang quickly divided up Sun Chuanfang's territory in Jiangbei and demarcated his sphere of influence. Sun Chuanfang could only stay in Xuzhou and use the title of deputy commander-in-chief of the An Guo Army, which meant that the "Five Provinces Allied Forces" still existed in the An Guo Army.

The Northern Expedition Army's actions, the 2nd and 6th Armies were reprimanded and left Nanjing City. They simply crossed the river and landed at Pukou on the opposite side. The day before yesterday, they captured Bengbu along the Jinpu Railway and were advancing towards Xuzhou.

The 26th Army has crossed the Yangtze River and captured Nantong; the 19th Army and the 3rd and 14th Divisions of the 1st Army are about to cross the river to attack Yangzhou. This is a step towards capturing northern Jiangsu and taking over the entire Jiangsu Province.

Therefore, up to now, the First Division stationed in Shanghai and the Second Division stationed in Suzhou have remained inactive. The Jiangsu-Zhejiang financial group favored the First Division stationed in Shanghai. Another reason was that Chiang Kai-shek likely intended to reserve the First and Second Divisions for use in Peiping and Tianjin. He planned to first deploy various Northern Expedition units to attack Xuzhou and Jinan, and only after Jinan was secured would the First and Second Divisions be deployed. Zhang Zuolin's Fengtian Army was much larger, with more guns and artillery, so he needed to keep some reserve forces in reserve if he attacked them more frequently.

Chen Tianheng even speculated that in Chiang Kai-shek's overall plan, the First Division should have been responsible for the parade that took place during the Beijing invasion, and of course, the First Army's military band would have been included.

As for the recent dismissal of Chen Duxiu by the Communist International and the split of the Communist Party of China into the Shanghai-Hankou faction, Chiang Kai-shek and He Yingqin did not say anything. Since the two did not take the initiative to express their attitude towards this, Chen Tianheng did not ask.

44a

Shanghai, across the Huangpu River.

In the wilderness of Pudong, Gu Shunzhang trudged through the night, taking one step deep and one step shallow.

The gunshot wound in my shoulder still ached.

The past week has been hell for Gu Shunzhang.

That night, Gu Shunzhang had just fallen into bed in his own residence when several bursts of gunfire rang out from the yard outside. He jumped out of bed and searched for his gun. The door was slammed open, and two young men with unfamiliar faces came in, each holding a gun:

"Hand over the secret letter from the Communist International!"

Gu Shunzhang pretended to cooperate and nodded towards the cabinet in the room: "It's over there, it's locked, I'll help you open it."

Gu Shunzhang, having received permission, walked to the cabinet, pretended to touch the key, then suddenly broke open the window and jumped out!

Gu Shunzhang, a professionally trained soldier, chose to live on the second floor of a residential building. In the courtyard lived two members of his armed workers' unit, both armed with guns. Below his bedroom window was a ditch connected to the Suzhou River. The moment he jumped, two young men behind him opened fire. One of the two bullets struck him, but fortunately, the bullet struck him in the shoulder, making it non-fatal.

Gu Shunzhang endured the pain and drifted in the ditch for more than ten minutes before struggling to climb ashore.

Wrapping his wounds and hiding. Initially, Gu Shunzhang wasn't sure who was looking for the secret letter. It could have been a comrade within the Party, but the Concession Police Station or the Kuomintang were also possible. After a few days in hiding, Gu Shunzhang read in the newspaper that Chen Duxiu had been dismissed from his position at the Comintern.

Two days later, I saw Chen Duxiu's telegram published in the newspaper.

Gu Shunzhang was so frightened that his hands and feet were cold and sweat was coming out of his head. He knew that he had been caught in an extremely huge vortex.

What should I do next? Should I vote with the Comintern faction or the local faction?

No matter which faction Gu Shunzhang joined, he would get into some trouble, but he could always explain it away.

If he voted for the localist faction, then when conveying the Comintern's instructions, he arbitrarily downgraded the severity of what the Comintern wanted the CCP to do, by more than a notch, and could explain this as being for the good of China. Of course, conveying instructions from superiors and then privately downgrading them is still a violation of Party discipline, and he would likely face disciplinary action.

If he sided with the Comintern faction—he was already on the International side—he could let them know that the local faction was rebellious and that the comrades of the Shanghai Special Committee of the Military Department might have split. However, he had lost the Comintern letter, so he would have been punished anyway.

The key isn't these details; the key is knowing what will happen to the internationalists and the localists in the future. Will they fight or reconcile? If they fight, who will win?

So Gu Shunzhang decided not to vote for either side for the time being and continue to hide.

During his time in Shanghai, Gu Shunzhang prepared a lot of PLAN B and PLAN C for himself.

"Aunt Zhang!"

Gu Shunzhang arrived in Pudong and knocked on a small farmhouse outside the county town.

"Oh, little brother, what are you doing here so late at night?

Gu Shunzhang: "Oh, my house in Shanghai has been requisitioned by the Northern Expedition Army, and I don't want to find another place to live. I have rented a house here as a warehouse, so I can just sleep here.

"So, how long will you stay here?"

Gu Shunzhang: "One month, no, two months.

French Concession Chain

"At the time, the matter was urgent, and I couldn't ask anyone from the Special Committee's subordinate agencies to do something, so I asked you to do it at the last minute. But it's good, you two comrades did a great job."

Zhou Enlai later summarized and reviewed the actions of that night.

Chen Yun: "Hey, we found the secret letter, but the target escaped. We fired but missed."

Li Qiang: "Brother Wu, you're really awesome! You took care of the two gunmen in the yard in one go, while the two of us took care of one but couldn't."

Zhou Enlai: "The target's combat effectiveness is incomparable to the two in the yard. He has received professional training, while the two were merely trained by the target for a period of time. Originally, I should have dealt with the target myself, and you dealt with the two gunmen in the yard. However, the target's identity is special, and I... am not suitable for a face-to-face confrontation with him. I have no choice but to let you go up."

Chen Yun had already joined the party, but because his initial job was to transfer from the Commercial Press to the United Reading Group, his career path was also the party's "professional manager" path. This time, he was caught by Zhou Enlai to be a "temporary actor."

Li Qiang: "Brother Wu, is the Shanghai Special Committee of the Military Department still functioning normally?

Zhou Enlai: "The Shanghai Special Committee of the Military Department is not the department you are in now. Please do not inquire about cross-departmental matters.

Another place in the French Concession.

Meeting of the Shanghai Special Committee of the Military Affairs Department.

Zhou Enlai came hurriedly and slipped in.

"Comrade Gu has been out of contact," Zheng Chaolin said. "Comrade Wu, besides Comrade Gu, you're the only one who knows the pick-up location for the Military Department's directives. Are there any new instructions from Wuhan?"

Zhou Enlai shook his head: "I did not receive any new instructions from my superiors at the pickup location.

Zheng Chaolin: "If no new instructions come from Wuhan, then we should ask Comrade Chen Duxiu for instructions. I feel that the Special Committee has nothing to do since the Northern Expedition entered Shanghai.

Yan Changyi: "Old Zheng, Comrade Chen Duxiu is no longer the General Secretary.

"So what? The old man still has influence. Look at Shanghai now, no, the whole country. When it comes to the Communist Party, who do people think of? Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao. It's not like the Communist International can change that with just a dismissal order."

"Chang Yi, the instructions of the Communist International are still authoritative instructions, and we cannot disobey them," Zhou Enlai looked at Zheng Chaolin again: "Old Zheng, but the direct leadership of the Shanghai Special Committee is still the Military Department. If we lose contact with the Military Department, we must restore contact with the Military Department. The current situation is indeed complicated and chaotic, so the Shanghai Special Committee needs to report the current work situation to the Military Department in person.

Zheng Chaolin: "Go to Wuhan? Who's going?

Zhou Enlai: “I will go.

"Does that mean we are on the side of the International and against Chen Duxiu's Central Committee?

Zhou Enlai: "What is Chen Duxiu's Central Committee? Is the one in Wuhan the same as Chen Yannian's Central Committee? Our actions are for the victory of the revolution and for the rejuvenation of China. This is our goal. In addition, I must emphasize that all actions of the Special Committee are subject to discipline. Before there are new instructions from the higher authorities, we should not give ourselves any trouble.

4

Songjiang.

The Shanghai-Hangzhou train stopped here, and Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao got off the train. Qian Zhuangfei met them at the train station.

"General Secretary, the meeting arrangements have been made. In addition," Qian Zhuangfei said, "I just went to the military camp, and Chen Tianheng said that there is actually no danger in holding the meeting in Shanghai.

Chen Duxiu: "It is better to be more careful. Songjiang is a safe place.

Qian Zhuangfei: "That's right, Songjiang is now the training base of the First Division.