The Fourth Outstanding Person of Huangpu Military Academy

Zhong Daoyan shook hands with Chen Tianheng and said, "General Chen, when I agreed to this, I thought you were a general of the Kuomintang.

Chen Tianheng: "After the Nanchang Uprising, the whole country knew about it. Then people from the Hong Kong company found you and asked you to go, but you still left. This shows that you agreed to me not just because of our personal relationship.

Zhong Daoyan: "During the few months I stayed in Hong Kong, I wrote a plan for a large-scale military-industrial complex. However, General Chen, this plan is a bit radical. I don't know...

"Does radical mean a large investment?" Chen Tianheng asked.

Road.

Zhong Daoyan: “Yes.

Along with Zhong Daoyan, a dozen technicians from the Jinling Arsenal and more than 40 technicians and engineers from the Shanghai Arsenal arrived in Guangzhou. The Nanjing government likely had no idea what the departure of these arsenal workers meant, much less connected the movement of workers with the uprising army circling the Hunan-Jiangxi border.

These military and industrial talent teams gathered in Hong Kong and lived there for a few months. Now they have returned to Guangzhou to establish the Guangdong Second Arsenal.

“Since the end of the European War, although European and American countries have cut military spending and reduced military orders, the development of weapons technology has not slowed down.

"This weapon technology isn't simply about designing increasingly ingenious mechanical structures; it's about fundamental innovation: materials. Steel and other metals are the foundation of weapon technology. As I researched and read books at Columbia University and in engineering schools across the United States, I became increasingly aware of the importance of this revolution."

“Therefore, to establish a strong military-industrial complex, we must keep up with the times in fundamental technology.

Zhong Daoyan, who had studied abroad, had a broad vision. The first thing he focused on was materials. To be precise, at that time, the military technology of countries around the world was in a period of transition between carbon steel and alloy steel.

Alloy steels of various formulations have different advantages. Some can significantly increase the strength of steel, thereby fundamentally improving the performance of guns and artillery.

For example, a 75mm gun barrel, if it's to be disassembled and transported on a piggyback, must weigh no more than 100 kilograms. A 100-kilogram barrel made of carbon steel can only reach 18 calibers, while alloy steel can reach 21 calibers and achieve a 20% higher chamber pressure. This kind of advancement in fundamental material technology can't be achieved simply by drawing on a blueprint or designing an ingenious structure.

Therefore, according to Zhong Daoyan’s plan, the arsenal must first have an electric furnace steel plant to smelt high-strength alloy steel as the basic material for guns and artillery.

Chen Tianheng: "Mr. Zhong, the electric steel plant must be equipped with a thermal power plant, because the energy consumption of electric furnace smelting cannot be met by the current power generation capacity of the Guangzhou Thermal Power Plant.

Zhong Daoyan: “Yes.

Chen Tianheng said, "Adding to the electricity consumption of various other military-related industries, and the expected expansion of industrial electricity demand in the future, the power generation capacity of thermal power plants cannot be reduced. Therefore, if we build a large or medium-sized thermal power plant, we will have to build a coal terminal to accompany it."

Zhong Daoyan: “Yes.

Chen Tianheng: "So, your planned investment of 1000 million yuan is definitely conservative.

Zhong Daoyan: "Indeed, I didn't consider other supporting facilities. Furthermore, 1000 million yuan is only the first phase of investment. If the ultimate goal is to build a large-scale military industrial complex like those in Europe and the United States, it will require many phases of construction and multiple rounds of investment."

Chen Tianheng: "In Guangdong, we will first implement the construction of the first phase and then the second phase at most."

"What about the future? Didn't you tell me in Nanjing that if China wants to be strong, it must have a first-class weapons industry? After the first and second phases are completed, we can only produce guns and 75mm mountain cannons.

Chen Tianheng: "Yes, we do want to have a first-class weapons industry. However, I hope to place this weapons industry city inland, in a city that is out of reach of warships."

thanks, thanks

"Chen Yun, Yingzhe Investment will contribute 500 million, and the Ordnance Committee will contribute 500 million. Chen Ying's money has almost been raised. Is there a plan for the Ordnance Committee's 500 million?"

After finalizing the plan for the Guangdong Second Arsenal with Zhong Daoyan, Chen Tianheng remembered something and had to call Chen Yun.

"Don't worry, the 500 million can be borrowed right away, right away!

Chapter 129: Want to borrow money? OK, convince me first

Guangzhou Municipal Government.

Chen Tianheng walked into the city government. Mao Runmin and Chen Yun were waiting for him in front of the reception room.

"Why, you said 'I can borrow it right away, right away', but in the end you have to involve me, otherwise you can't borrow the money." Chen Tianheng said to Chen Yun.

Chen Yun: "We prepared a very detailed investment proposal, but the two HSBC managers were too quick-witted and had many doubts in their minds. A proposal alone wouldn't convince them. Their primary concern was the military security of the Guangzhou regime, and only the Military Commission could explain this to them."

"Wait, HSBC?" Chen Tianheng asked, "Didn't you say Standard Chartered Bank was going to invest? Why did you change it to HSBC?"

Mao Runmin: "We contacted Standard Chartered because they had provided loans to United Reading and China Resources in Shanghai and had a good relationship with them. However, they hesitated for a long time and backed out at the last minute. Fortunately, although Standard Chartered was reluctant to follow up, HSBC expressed interest, so we invited them to come.

Chen Tianheng: "…"

Since Standard Chartered couldn't come, we finally managed to get HSBC, but the HSBC people in Guangzhou didn't get a satisfactory answer either.

Two days earlier, two HSBC managers had listened in the reception room as Chen Yun and Mao Runmin presented several loan-funded projects in Guangzhou. Chen Yun presented several projects the coalition government was currently considering, each with its profit prospects. For example, for a power plant, the investment required for construction and the annual revenue from electricity sales would be shown. Even the arsenal had its own return on investment.

But the manager of HSBC raised a fatal question: Will your coalition government in Guangzhou be defeated by the Nanjing government? If you think the Nanjing government cannot defeat you, OK, prepare a report to convince me.

“Hello Sir Philip. Hello Manager Christopher.

Chen Tianheng pushed the door open and walked in. Christopher, HSBC's director Lord Philip and manager of the Hong Kong investment department, was already in the reception room.

Chen Yun: "This is Chen Tianheng, one of the four members of the United Government Military Commission, the commander-in-chief of the Nanchang Uprising, and the creator of the "Sword of Revolution" of the First Division of the First Army of the Northern Expedition.

Sir Philip took off his reading glasses and looked at Chen Tianheng: "General Chen...? How old are you?

Chen Tianheng: “22 years old. Sir Philip, I heard that you were a participant in the negotiations of the Anglo-Soviet Trade Agreement.

“Yes, that was 1921.

Christopher: "But three months ago, the Soviet Union broke off diplomatic relations with Britain."

Chen Tianheng: "This is a very regrettable thing, isn't it?"

Philip chuckled. Christopher said, "The Soviet Union supported the coal miners' rebellion in Britain. Soviet embassy staff went to coal miner settlements to give speeches and mobilize workers, distributing pamphlets of Lenin's writings, even in English. This behavior violated almost all the provisions of modern diplomatic norms. Severing diplomatic ties and expelling the entire Soviet embassy staff from the country was the most restrained measure Britain could take. I don't regret it."

Chen Tianheng: "This was a lose-lose situation. The severance of diplomatic ties between Britain and the Soviet Union resulted in the abolition of the Anglo-Soviet Trade Agreement. Britain lost natural resources and minerals from the Soviet Union, and the Soviet Union lost foreign exchange earnings. The regret I speak of is that the Soviet embassy staff who went deep into coal miner settlements to 'mobilize the masses' were probably not acting on instructions from the Soviet Foreign Ministry, nor was it Stalin's original intention.

Christopher: “The Soviet regime does this all the time.

"No, this isn't about the Soviet regime," Chen Tianheng denied. "This is what happens when a country has both a Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Communist International. Besides, I think the Soviet Union will quickly discover and correct this situation. It's nothing more than a few more potato experts in Siberia... Turning back to China, Mr. Christopher, has the Chinese Communist Party established an organization similar to the Communist International?"

"It doesn't seem so," Christopher said. "Well, General Chen, let's get to the point. The Guangzhou Coalition Government reminds me of the Paris Commune, the street revolution half a century ago. Prussia simply released a captured French marshal and returned tens of thousands of French prisoners, and the Paris Commune came to an end. If the Guangzhou Coalition Government cannot hold out for a long time, then there is a high probability that our investment will be lost. When the Nanjing government's army rushes into Guangzhou, the Union Jack will not necessarily prevent confiscation.

Chen Tianheng: "Why don't we use a more recent case that also happened in China as an example? Three years ago, also in Guangzhou, the Kuomintang and the Communist Party cooperated to establish a military academy and a revolutionary army. Last year, we set out from Guangdong to launch the Northern Expedition and defeated the warlords in the north.

Christopher: "I'm familiar with this war. The Beiyang warlords in the north weren't a unified entity. The Zhili, Fengtian, and Anhui factions, as well as smaller factions, were constantly fighting each other. The Nationalist Army in the northwest also successfully attacked the core areas of the Beiyang warlords. The north was completely unable to deal with the Guangzhou government in the south. Instead, Sun Yat-sen's Guangzhou government had ample time to build and train its army and launch the Northern Expedition."

Chen Tianheng: "Mr. Christopher, the current Nanjing Nationalist Government is also not a single entity. If you know anything about the recent wars in China, you should know that before our army captured Guangzhou, the armies in Jiangxi and Hunan fought a battle with Nanjing. In that battle, Li Zongren led his army group to capture Changsha, Zhuzhou, and Hengyang."

"Yes, I understand."

Chen Tianheng: "Perhaps you learned about the battle from the newspapers, with stories of Guangxi clique members fighting bloody battles. Let me tell you the real story. These major cities in Hunan were not captured by Li Zongren's army, but were voluntarily surrendered by our army. We made some deals with Li Zongren behind the scenes. The fierce fighting reported in the newspapers never happened."

Christopher, Philip: "Oh!"

Chen Tianheng: "We can call the warlords of the Beiyang era the old warlords, and the local powerful groups after the establishment of the Nanjing National Government the new warlords. Although the latter have ceded more power to the central government, they still have their own independent military and political groups and fight for their own selfish interests. Li Zongren is like this, as are Zhang Zuolin, Feng Yuxiang and others. Of course, from a certain perspective, we who occupy Guangdong, southern Hunan and southern Jiangxi are also one of the few local powerful groups on Chinese soil today.

"The Guangzhou local power clique—that's a good perspective," Philip interjected. "For the past fifteen years, China's warlords have either fought one another or signed peace agreements, temporarily trucing the fighting. This cycle repeats itself. Will the local power cliques forming in China now behave in the same way? Or, more precisely, will the Nanjing government sign a peace agreement with the Guangzhou government, temporarily trucing the fighting?"

Chen Tianheng: "Calls for peace are already emerging within the Nanjing government's jurisdiction, including from the intellectual class, prominent figures in society, and even some military and political officials. However, the most decisive factor in achieving peace is whether we can succeed on the battlefield the next time the Nanjing government launches an attack."

Love

Ceasefire, negotiate peace. This was the voice that had been heard since the uprising army captured Changsha in July. After the liberation of Guangzhou and the release of the Guangzhou Declaration by the United Government, the voice against Li Ping became even louder.

After all, not only was the Nanjing government unable to defeat Guangzhou on the battlefield, but even Soong Ching Ling went to Guangzhou to support the coalition government.

The most important promoter of peace was Yu Youren, a veteran of the Xinhai Revolution, a member of the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang, Feng Yuxiang's "military supervisor" during the Northern Expedition, and the chairman of Shaanxi Province.

Yu Youren did not express any opinion when Wang Jingwei and Chiang Kai-shek were purging the Communists, nor did Feng Yuxiang oppose the purge in Northwest China. However, after the Nanchang Uprising and the emergence of the "Chen-Deng gang," Yu Youren issued a telegram in Xi'an calling for an end to the civil war.

Yu Youren's message was that the Soviet Union's previous support for the Northern Expedition had ulterior motives and involved numerous unscrupulous activities, such as the swarming of Soviet advisers in the northwest, scouting for opportunities. Fortunately, Feng Yuxiang had driven the Soviets away. Now that the Soviets had been driven out and the CCP had stated it would not accept the leadership of the Comintern, this proved that the CCP had not sold out its own country. We were all Chinese, and there was no need to fight again.

Among the civilians, Zhang Lan, a sage and great educator from northern Sichuan, was the first to express his opposition to the civil war and called on the Nanjing government to withdraw its troops and negotiate.

Zhang Lan led a large number of people in the education sector to sign a joint petition in support, including Cao Yunxiang, Zhang Boling, Jiang Menglin, Ma Xiangbo, Lee Teng-hui, Hu Shi, Lu Xun, and Tao Xingzhi.

Among them, Ma Xiangbo and Lee Teng-hui, the two founders of Fudan Public School/University, both expressed that Nanjing should cease fire with Guangzhou. Lee Teng-hui also included Chen Tianheng among the alumni because there were conclusive records in the Fudan Library showing that Chen Tianheng had worked as a librarian there.

After Yu Youren sent the telegram in June, the Nanjing government did not respond. By September, Guangzhou was lost again. Yu Youren simply rushed from Xi'an to Nanjing to discuss the armistice negotiations with Chiang Kai-shek in person.

Chiang Kai-shek quickly fled to Shanghai.

Most of the high-ranking Kuomintang officials in Nanjing also did not want to negotiate peace with Guangzhou.

Of course, Hu Hanmin strongly advocated a military solution because his hometown of Guangdong was gone.

Most people without vested interests were also firmly opposed to peace talks. For example, Li Liejun believed that China's real enemy was communism, and that the Communists should be eliminated not only because the Soviet Union was secretly taking advantage of the situation, but also because communism would inevitably bring disaster to China.

The Guangxi clique's stance was more interesting. Bai Chongxi's views on communism largely coincided with Li Liejun's, but Bai Chongxi believed the two sides could negotiate a brief period of peace for a few months. In his view, the Nationalist army needed six months to train its troops, procure munitions, and raise the combat effectiveness of at least five or six armies to a level comparable to that of the Guangxi clique's Seventh Army before a showdown in Guangzhou could be secured.

The final result was that Yu Youren and other peace-seeking factions within the party were suppressed, Chiang Kai-shek turned a deaf ear to the peace talk in society, and the Nanjing government remained indifferent.

In the reception room, Chen Tianheng told the two visitors from HSBC about the major military struggle between Nanjing and Guangzhou, and briefly talked about the first-phase military strategy established by the Guangzhou United Government.

Relying on the "great swamps" of rural areas in southern Hunan and southern Jiangxi, Nanjing could weaken Guangzhou's offensive power in the countryside during its next encirclement and suppression campaign, allowing Guangzhou's main corps to strike. Complete the defense at minimal cost, buying time to build a base and develop revolutionary forces.

This strategy had been discussed beforehand by the four members of the Central Military Commission, and they felt that they could give a little hint to the two HSBC executives. After all, it was not a very difficult strategy to guess.

"I got the news that the British Embassy in China will be moved from Beijing to Nanjing.

Philip said, "The Nanjing government and Zhang Zuolin have completed the transfer of central power. General Chen, do you know what this means?"

Chen Tianheng: "This is not surprising news. Of the two governments, Nanjing and Guangzhou, Britain can only recognize one.

Philip: "Britain also wants to recognize both the Guangzhou and Nanjing governments, but it is said that when Foreign Office employees tried to communicate with Nanjing, this idea was met with fierce opposition and even protests. So, gentlemen, there will be no British government diplomatic mission in Guangzhou."

Chen Tianheng: “This does not constitute an investment risk. The Guangzhou Revolutionary Government’s external declarations have clearly stated that it will maintain exchanges and equal trade with other countries and develop relations between countries on an equal basis.

“No, no, no, this is also a risk factor.

Chen Tianheng: "I think we have just discussed all the factors related to investment risks.

Christopher: "Is everything finished?

Chen Tianheng: "You two have already made your decision, haven't you? Of course, you still have some thoughts on investment returns, interest rates, and so on. In that case, you should go to Mao Runmin and bargain with him. I will only discuss military issues."

Chapter 130: Upgrading the Whampoa Military Academy

HSBC decided to take the risk and invested 200 million British pounds in Guangzhou.

The British pound was very valuable at that time. Each pound contained 7 grams of gold, and 200 million pounds was equivalent to...14 tons of gold.

But this was indeed a small investment. In 1926, Britain invested 4.2 million pounds in China, of which tens of millions of pounds were circulated in the securities and futures markets in Shanghai alone.

This £200 million was crucial to the economy of the Guangzhou Coalition Government. After the Kuomintang-Communist collaboration and the Northern Expedition, Guangzhou, and indeed the entire Guangdong province, had been completely drained dry. Foreign investment was essential to restarting the economy. Furthermore, the sooner essential long-term investment projects were launched, the sooner their returns would be realized.

In rural areas of eastern Taiwan, due to a lack of monetary liquidity, the traditionally advantageous silk and silk textile industry has declined by 30% since 1923. Loans must be urgently provided to rural silkworm farms. These loans allow them to hire workers to pick mulberry leaves, raise silkworms, cut cocoons, and even expand production—which requires planting new mulberry trees, a process that takes several years.

Before the new mulberry trees mature, there's a way to expand the silkworm industry's production capacity: topdressing the trees. A bucket of nitrogen fertilizer will send mulberry leaves sprouting rapidly. Fertilizer costs money, and if you don't have money, you'll need a loan.

Of the 2 million invested by HSBC, one-third was used for mulberry silk and silk weaving industries, because mulberry silk and silk fabrics are now the largest export products of Guangdong, accounting for 70% of Guangdong’s total exports, and these are indeed advantageous products that have no worries about sales.

Then came the most crucial investment: the Guangdong Second Arsenal (Phase I). To avoid possible legal risks, this investment was made through HSBC establishing a subsidiary in Guangzhou.

The second consumer goods industry that the 200 million yuan investment was used for was...firecrackers

Guangdong's dominant export products are silkworms and silk fabrics, followed by bristles, firecrackers, tung oil, Chinese medicinal herbs, and tea. Most of these exports are agricultural products, with fireworks being the only exception, and they even have some manufacturing ties.

Since it is a manufacturing industry, it is not restricted by arable land or geographical area. We can produce as much as needed.

Fireworks and firecrackers manufacturing should be stimulated by investment, and the paper industry should also be stimulated. Lingnan has lush trees and rapid growth, but at this time, paper is not among Guangzhou's major exports. This is extremely abnormal.

In addition to stimulating industry, a portion of the funds will be used for public works such as roads in Guangzhou and its surrounding areas.

Now, let's move on to imports. Guangdong's main imports currently include grain, refined oil (primarily kerosene for lighting), coal, steel, and machinery. Due to the brutal exploitation of the past two years, Guangdong's main import commodity is now grain. With more money, imports of machinery will rise rapidly, and after a while, the total exports of various commodities will rise. This is the economic growth effect brought about by investment.

These analyses and development directions were all deliberated upon by Mao Runmin, Chen Yun and others. Chen Tianheng was very surprised when he learned about them.

"That's great. The United Reading Group and China Resources Group have trained a group of people who understand economics for our party."

Mao Runmin: "Now we have people who understand military affairs, and we can't be left blank with people who understand economics.

Cheung Chau Island, Whampoa Military Academy.

What Mao Runmin said is indeed true. The party now has talents who understand military affairs.

However, although there are military talents and their quality is good, their quantity is insufficient.

Therefore, the Whampoa Military Academy had to continue to operate, and the Ganzhou Military Academy (which was run by some teachers from the Whampoa Wuhan Branch who stayed in Ganzhou) also had to be established.

"Principal Ye...Principal Ye."

When he saw Ye Jianying, Chen Tianheng saluted and called out Ye Jianying's new title: the principal of the Whampoa Military Academy.

"No way, you all changed your tune so quickly. But I still feel like I'm the director of teaching," Ye Jianying said. "Reopening the military academy is like rebuilding it. There are so many things to do, it's really keeping me busy."

Chen Geng: "President Ye, it's a good thing you hid the books and notes of the War Research Society and didn't move them to Nanjing. Especially the notes, which are the most core documents of the War Research Society.

Ye Jianying: "Of course I know that notes are the most important. They contain records of countless salon discussions, and the processes and summaries of countless battle simulations."

Jiang Xianyun: "The War Research Society has reopened, the Young Military Association has also reopened, and our Whampoa Military Academy is back.

Chen Geng: "And my Red Star Propaganda Agency has also returned.