Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji
Page 985
On December 1961, 12, the Vietnamese People's Army, which had received Soviet weapons and trained for a year, quietly moved south with 27 main forces.
The Southern Bureau of the Workers' Party of Vietnam assembled the Vietnam People's Army and the South Vietnam National Liberation Armed Forces currently fighting in southern India. After the units reported their numbers, they discovered that their strength was greater than the Central Committee of the Workers' Party of Vietnam had estimated. The Southern Bureau assembled 100,000 troops and, in conjunction with the main force, launched a vigorous "Victory Offensive."
After all, having learned the lesson of the "Spring Offensive", the Vietnamese People's Army chose to lead a large number of anti-aircraft artillery regiments and independent anti-aircraft artillery battalions this time. The generosity of the Soviet Union made the Vietnamese People's Army's defense force very strong.
Each division can be equipped with one or two anti-aircraft artillery regiments, and after entering the south, the transportation lines are also managed by a large number of independent anti-aircraft artillery battalions.
After a large number of Chinese air defense forces were stationed in North Vietnam,
The Vietnamese People's Army mobilized all its air defense forces.
Go support the front line battle.
So when the engagement began, American bombers and helicopter gunships suffered a lot, with many being shot down by the Vietnamese People's Army's air defense forces. Apart from other things, the Vietnamese army was very brave in fighting.
Regardless of casualties, they launched attacks again and again against cities and towns that had been re-controlled by the US military, as well as US military bases.
Despite the support of the US air force, casualties still rose sharply. Therefore, the US military urgently mobilized troops into Vietnam, bringing the number of US troops in Indochina to 10.
The US military did not just passively take the beating. Instead, it quickly formulated a counterattack plan.
The Vietnam War of Reunification was truly a battlefield of mincing meat.
The Workers' Party of Vietnam currently controls most parts of Vietnam. Even in the south, except for some cities, all towns and villages are in the hands of the Workers' Party of Vietnam.
Therefore, what the Vietnamese Workers' Party lacks the most at the moment is manpower. At this time, human life is more valuable than dog's, and a large amount of weapons and ammunition from China and the Soviet Union are continuously flowing into Vietnam.
Especially Soviet submachine guns. In addition to the direct production of the Soviet Union, Guangxi and Yunnan also produced submachine guns. In one year, the number of Soviet submachine guns flowing into Vietnam alone exceeded 300,000. You can imagine the strength of the Soviet Union's support for Vietnam. Ammunition also entered Vietnam in batches. The best thing about submachine guns is that they are easy to train. In addition to the main force of the Vietnam People's Army, the Vietnam Workers' Party also
Also trained millions of militia troops.
Many of these militias were armed with submachine guns.
Cooperate with the main force to attack US military logistics.
The total number of people participating in this major battle between the two sides is nearly 100 million.
While the Vietnamese Workers' Party was fighting, it was also training new troops in the rear. For the training of Vietnamese officers, Soviet military academies, Chinese military academies, and Vietnam's own military academies were all training on a large scale. Many grassroots military cadres,
They are all short-term training of about half a year.
Vietnam is not a country with a very large population.
This scale of military training and battlefield losses put a huge strain on Vietnam's population. Therefore, the Workers' Party of Vietnam mobilized a large number of female soldiers to join the war. These women directly participated in the fighting, and the Vietnam People's Army even established four female divisions.
Under the current circumstances, female soldiers in Vietnam also have to go out to fight.
The Vietnamese's reckless fighting style angered the US military, so Kennedy held a series of meetings, demanding that the US military complete the deployment of 30 troops as soon as possible.
Amidst this complicated situation, the Tenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China was formally convened on January 1962, 1.
1131 The th National Congress of the Communist Party of China
The reason why this meeting was held so early was that
Because the world situation is changing so rapidly, the Central Committee is preparing to convene the Tenth National Congress as soon as possible so that it can deal with the complex situation once stability is achieved.
Otherwise, the closer we get to the top ten, the more difficult it will be to calm down.
On January 1962, 1, Wei Hongjun, as the Chairman of the Presidium of the 4th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, announced the official convening of the th National Congress of the Communist Party of China.
Wei Hongjun first gave a work report to the conference delegates on behalf of the Political Bureau.
The meeting summarized China's work in various fields in 1961, including brief reports on the affairs of the Indochina Peninsula and the Sino-Indian War.
Wei Hongjun made a report on the general direction, and other cadres will report on the specific content later.
Wei Hongjun's main report at this meeting was not this. After briefly reporting the Politburo's work report,
Wei Hongjun started with the ten most important topics.
That was the "Report to the Tenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China." This was Wei Hongjun's second comprehensive Central Political Report after his "Theory of Socialist Stages" report at the Ninth National Congress.
In his report, Wei Hongjun first reviewed the political report "The main contradictions in the primary stage of socialism and the handling of contradictions" made by the Chairman at the Ninth National Congress of the Communist Party of China based on Wei Hongjun's judgment of the "primary stage of socialism" and summarizing my country's experience in socialist economic construction.
Wei Hongjun said that the basic contradictions and basic principles in China at this stage put forward in the political report of the Chairman at the Ninth National Congress of the Communist Party of China are not only an objective reflection of the laws of my country's socialist economy, but also an important guarantee for my country's social and political stability. Moreover, they will have important guiding significance for my country's socialist political and economic construction for a long time.
After the Ninth National Congress, our Party formulated our country's political and economic policies in accordance with the spirit of the Chairman's political report. The correct guidance of the spirit of the Ninth National Congress has enabled our country to maintain social and political stability in the past five years. The whole country follows the spirit of the Ninth National Congress.
The policies formulated in accordance with the objective laws of socialist economics successfully and overfulfilled the goals of the Second Five-Year Plan. This was the greatest affirmation of the political report of the Ninth National Congress.
This shows that as long as we accurately judge the development stage of socialism in our country and accurately analyze the basic contradictions of socialism, our social politics will be stable.
The socialist economy will be able to develop rapidly and steadily. Therefore, in his political report at the Tenth National Congress, Wei Hongjun stated that the Ninth National Congress's judgment on the stage of socialism was correct, as was its assessment of the fundamental characteristics of the primary stage of socialism. The Tenth National Congress must continue to adhere to the spirit of the Ninth National Congress.
Wei Hongjun once again emphasized that China's socialism will remain in the primary stage of socialism for a long time, which may be 30 years or even 50 years.
Our Party must clearly recognize that my country is an underdeveloped socialist country that is still backward in all aspects. Therefore, we must be down-to-earth and make every effort to develop socialist productive forces, ensure that my country achieves a stable and united political situation in the primary stage of socialism, and formulate various economic policies that are effective and suitable for the long term in the primary stage of socialism.
At the same time, when facing new problems and new things that arise in the development of the socialist economy, we should not make arbitrary judgments, nor be hostile to them, but instead adopt an attitude of observation and analysis.
We must have our own standards for judging new things. That is, whether new things are conducive to improving the living standards of the people, promoting the development of our socialist productive forces, enhancing the comprehensive national strength of socialist China, and promoting fairness and justice in socialist society.
It's not just about judging new things, but also the legal provisions we introduce, the economic policies we formulate, the working style of our government departments, and adjustments to factory management. Everything must be considered to see whether it is truly beneficial to the interests of the people.
Next, Wei Hongjun focused on issues concerning commodity economy and the law of value.
Wei Hongjun started his talk from Stalin's book "Problems of Soviet Socialist Economy", and also included the Chairman's research ideas in this regard. In a word, before entering communism, there must be exchange of goods between different economies. As long as there is exchange, there is a commodity economy.
The law of value will inevitably come into play. Therefore, Wei Hongjun emphasized that the entire Party must accurately understand the content of commodity economy and the law of value. We cannot simply assume that commodity economy and the law of value do not exist in socialism.
Wei Hongjun then proposed that the entire Party must earnestly study Chairman Mao's spirit of "march toward science," clearly recognize the important role of science in the development of productivity, and complete China's "scientific agriculture," "scientific industry," "scientific education," and "scientific military."
To achieve the "scientificization" of all industries, our Party members must continuously learn. For Party members and cadres, learning is revolution. Failure to keep up with learning means failure to keep up with the revolution.
Finally, Wei Hongjun proposed on the issue of China's economic construction that China's economic construction should be based on self-reliance, and should actively develop equal and mutually beneficial economic cooperation with countries around the world, and strive to adopt the world's advanced technology and equipment.
Wei Hongjun emphasized that it is not scary to admit that we are behind, but it is scary not to learn from the backwardness. We must learn first,
Then you will learn and eventually surpass these stages.
Wei Hongjun then proposed that the goal of China's socialist economic construction cannot be just the prosperity of a certain city, nor the prosperity of a certain region, nor the prosperity of a certain special group, but the prosperity of the entire country.
This was in preparation for gradually increasing investment in western provinces starting with the Third Five-Year Plan, and this would remain the CCP's policy for the next few decades. China is a socialist country; it cannot simply develop those regions that are most susceptible to development; it must develop the entire country.
Overall, Wei Hongjun's political report first reiterated the spirit of the Ninth National Congress, emphasized that China is in the primary stage of socialism, and emphasized the guidance of the Chairman's political report at the Ninth National Congress.
Then he proposed the "four benefits" standards for facing new things, as well as the "four scientificizations", echoing the Chairman's call to "march toward science."
Another one is to emphasize commodity economy and the law of value.
Wei Hongjun's political report was not Wei Hongjun's report alone. It was drafted by Wei Hongjun's secretariat team headed by Zhao Han based on Wei Hongjun's requirements, and Wei Hongjun then made revisions.
In addition, Wei Hongjun exchanged opinions with many cadres for this report, and the Chairman later helped to polish it, and it was finally approved by the Politburo.
Before the formal meeting, this political report was officially finalized after communicating with the members of the presidium and the heads and deputy heads of each group.
After all, this was the Tenth National Congress's political report, a comprehensive summary of Wei Hongjun's political philosophy. This report embodied Wei Hongjun's meticulous work and served as his guiding principle for the post-Tenth National Congress. If he were to face widespread skepticism at the Tenth National Congress, including in the panel discussions, it would not be a good thing for him.
Fortunately, Wei Hongjun's political report had become relatively familiar to everyone after the Ninth National Congress and several subsequent meetings of the Central Committee. Wei Hongjun did not put forward any particularly unconventional ideas.
So overall it is still very stable.
After Wei Hongjun delivered his political report, Comrade Xiu Yang delivered a report on the work of the National People's Congress on behalf of the National People's Congress. The National People's Congress still has a lot of work to do, and it is very important.
There are countless legal provisions that need to be reviewed every year.
Let's talk about the "Company Law" and "Contract Law" which were passed a long time ago. They are revised every year, adding a large number of new clauses and revising some old clauses.
There's no way around it. Because of the rapid pace of socioeconomic development and the proliferation of new things, mixed-ownership enterprises, of all types, present a host of different challenges.
If legislation does not keep up, the cooperation between these different companies can easily lead to lawsuits.
There are even more adjustments to the Civil Code. Many people at the National People's Congress are not law majors, but they face the most legal issues every day.
Then the Premier, Marshal Nie, Chen Tanqiu, General Chen and others gave reports within their respective work scopes. The Premier focused on the work of the State Council and the United Front.
Marshal Nie talked about the construction of national political and legal institutions, Chen Tanqiu talked about party affairs and inspection work, and General Chen talked about diplomatic matters.
The reports during the meeting were extremely detailed and complex, each lasting one or two hours.
Then Chen Yun made a report on the "Second Five-Year Plan" on behalf of the Central Financial and Economic Work Committee.
This was a comprehensive report on the achievements of the Second Five-Year Plan. Chen Yun covered agriculture, light industry, heavy industry, transportation, education, people's livelihoods, foreign trade, overall national income and fiscal revenue, and infrastructure investment.
The first is agriculture.
Although we encountered three years of nationwide natural disasters,
However, China still successfully completed the agricultural goals of the Second Five-Year Plan. This is because the Second Five-Year Plan refers to a five-year plan, which covers five years of political data.
When the Second Five-Year Plan was formulated, the total agricultural output value was required to reach 2500 billion yuan. However, although there was a nationwide drought within the five years of the Second Five-Year Plan, the total agricultural output value still steadily exceeded 3000 billion yuan, reaching 3400 billion yuan.
The drought in 1960 and
In 1961, China's total agricultural output value was around 600 billion yuan. At its peak in 1958, it even reached 870 billion yuan.
Specifically, during the Second Five-Year Plan, the total grain output in 1958 exceeded 5000 billion jin. However, due to severe drought, the grain output continued to decline. By 1961, the national grain output was only
About 3860 billion jin.
Cotton production exceeded 1958 million dan in 4400, but has been declining since then due to drought.
In 1961, it was only about 3200 million dan.
The output of three oil crops (rapeseed, peanut and sesame)
In 1958, it reached 8600 million dan, and in 1961, the output was only 6700 million dan.
The output of flue-cured tobacco reached 1958 million dan in 920.
In 1961, the output was only 690 million dan.
Sugar production reached 1958 million dan in 37000.
In 1961, the output was only 26000 million dan.
Number of large livestock (horses, cattle, donkeys, mules, camels, etc.)
In 1958, there were 12000 million heads, but by 1961 the number had dropped to 8800 million.
The number of pigs slaughtered in 1958 was 15000 million, and the number of pigs on hand at the end of the year was 18000 million.
33000 million. But in 1961, the number of pigs slaughtered was only
9000 million heads, and the number of livestock on hand at the end of the year was 12000 million heads.
The total number of live pigs for the whole year decreased by 1958 million compared to 12000.
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