Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

With the Chairman's approval, Wei Hongjun will then make good arrangements for this matter.

After discussing the basic pension issue, the Chairman said, "Next year's ten major tasks are very important, and one thing in particular must be accomplished. That is the adjustment of some cadres in the major military regions.

The Chairman attaches great importance to the preparations for next year's Tenth National Congress.

At the 10th National Congress, the Chairman will not only clarify the central successor issue, but also carry out nationwide cadre adjustments.

Since the establishment of a series of regulations on the term of office of top leaders, many cadres who have served two consecutive terms in the same position have to be adjusted. However, how to adjust them is a big issue.

To be honest, no one wants to leave his or her home.

Just like Wang Qiuyun in the Wuhan Military Region, most of the cadres, from top to bottom, are old comrades and old subordinates. Working in such a place is really easy.

But if I change my job to another military region, I will have to start over in an unfamiliar place.

Many people will undoubtedly be unhappy about this adjustment. However, the central government must make the adjustment. It all depends on how the central government adjusts and how it balances everyone's interests.

"Chairman, since the Eighth National Congress officially appointed the military and political leaders of the major military regions, by the time of the Tenth National Congress, they had already been re-elected for two terms. The total number of major military region commanders and political commissars who had served for ten years was

13 people.

"They are Comrade Tang Jie, Commander of the Beijing Military Region; Comrade Li Zhimin, Political Commissar of the Beijing Military Region; Comrade Wu Qinghe, Commander of the Inner Mongolia Military Region; Comrade Xu Shiyou, Commander of the Nanjing Military Region; Comrade Liu Daosheng, Political Commissar of the Lanzhou Military Region; Comrade Wang Enmao, Commander and Political Commissar of the Xinjiang Military Region; Comrade Wang Qiuyun, Commander of the Wuhan Military Region; Comrade Luo Renfa, Political Commissar of the Wuhan Military Region; Comrade Zhang Zihua, Commander of the Fuzhou Military Region; Comrade Chen Kaikun, Commander of the Guangzhou Military Region; Comrade Lai Chuanzhu, Political Commissar of the Guangzhou Military Region; Comrade Zhang Guohua, Commander of the Tibet Military Region; and Comrade Tan Guanshan, Political Commissar of the Tibet Military Region."

"According to the regulations for the appointment of top leaders, adjustments must be made when the 13 of them are in the top ten."

The Chairman asked, "Do you have any ideas about the adjustments to the leadership of these military regions?"

"My idea is to transfer some of these people to the Central Military Commission to take on new responsibilities. And then promote some more from among the current deputy commanders and deputy political commissars of the military regions."

"Any specific ideas?"

Wei Hongjun said: "Comrade Wu Qinghe, commander of the Inner Mongolia Military Region, will be 63 next year, reaching retirement age. So my idea is that Comrade Wu Qinghe will no longer serve as commander of the major military region and be transferred to the Central Military Commission to take on other responsibilities."

Wu Qinghe was the deputy regimental commander of the 29th Army, the first unit reorganized by Wei Hongjun in Sheng County. He joined the Eighth Route Army in 1937, and even though he was from the 29th Army, he was able to serve as the commander of a major military region for ten years after liberation. Wu Qinghe is absolutely unique in New China.

Currently, all the military and political leaders of the major military regions in New China are from the old Red Army.

Of course, this is also because the Inner Mongolia Military Region is weak and there are not many troops in the entire military region.

Wu Qinghe was 63 years old when he was elected as the top ten president. If someone had strongly supported him, he could have served for another term.

If no one supports you, then not only can you step back to the second line, you may even have to choose to retire.

Wu Qinghe's situation made him a suitable commander in the Inner Mongolia Military Region, as most of the troops under him were from the Jin-Cha-Ji region. Some of them had even been with Wu Qinghe since the beginning of the Anti-Japanese War.

But if he were to change to another military region, Wu Qinghe's qualifications would cause a lot of trouble. There were many deputy commanders of other military regions, and even commanders of provincial military regions, who had more qualifications than Wu Qinghe.

If Wu Qinghe were to become the commander of a major military region in another place, he would definitely be ostracized.

So Wei Hongjun thought that Wu Qinghe should retreat to the second line and go to the Military Commission to take charge of some less busy work.

"Comrade Chen Qihan is retiring on his tenth birthday. I intend to recommend that Comrade Li Zhimin succeed Comrade Chen Qihan as President of the PLA Military Court."

"A certain department of the General Staff is busy, but Comrades Chen Geng and Li Kenong are on leave for recuperation, and Comrade Zuo Quan is in Vietnam. So my idea is that Comrade Tang Jie go to a department of the General Staff to serve as Deputy Chief of General Staff.

"It is recommended that Comrade Zhang Guohua be transferred to the Beijing Military Region as commander, and Comrade Luo Renfa as political commissar of the Beijing Military Region."

"It is recommended that Comrade Wang Enmao be appointed Commander of the Inner Mongolia Military Region.

Wei Hongjun mainly talked to the Chairman about his ideas on the Inner Mongolia Military Region and the Beijing Military Region.

Tang Jie, Li Zhimin, and Wu Qinghe were all transferred to work in the Military Commission, which was also a compromise made by Wei Hongjun.

Because the 10th National Congress of the Communist Party of China would adjust the military district cadres, the Chairman would definitely let Wei Hongjun preside over it.

The Chairman wanted to see how Wei Hongjun controlled the army and how he would handle the factions. Would he use this opportunity to massively expand his own faction's power, or would he balance the various factions and smoothly complete the adjustment of the military region's leadership?

If Wei Hongjun's adjustments to the military region leadership are met with resistance from military officials, and he fails to successfully complete this task, or if his completion is fraught with difficulties and leaves many aftereffects, it would indicate that Wei Hongjun's influence on the military is insufficient. If Wei Hongjun exploits the opportunity to aggressively expand his own power, his magnanimity would be criticized.

Therefore, in order to successfully complete this adjustment of the military region's leadership, Wei Hongjun still had to make the necessary compromises. The adjustment of Tang Jie, Li Zhimin, and Wu Qinghe was one of these compromises.

Just like Wu Qinghe, if Wei Hongjun had full support, Wu Qinghe could have served as military district commander for another term. However, this would be disadvantageous to Wei Hongjun and Wu Qinghe. He couldn't deal with Wei Hongjun, but Wu Qinghe's background would easily give him a handle.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun had to tell all factions in the army that he had given up the positions of commander of his own military region, the Beijing Military Region, and the Inner Mongolia Military Region.

If Wei Hongjun could make such concessions, would other faction cadres insist on clinging to the military regions they control?

Of course, although Wei Hongjun gave up the positions of commander of the Beijing Military Region and commander of the Inner Mongolia Military Region, it does not mean that he really did not care about the ideas of cadres from Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei and North China, and just compromised blindly.

Some people from Jin-Cha-Ji were transferred to work in the Military Commission, but Jin-Cha-Ji was developing so well that a large number of cadres with outstanding military achievements were waiting to be transferred.

For example, Zheng Weishan, the current deputy commander of the Beijing Military Region, was a cadre who had made great contributions in the War of Liberation and the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea. However, he lacked experience in the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region, so after returning from Korea, he could only serve as the deputy commander of the Beijing Military Region.

In fact, Zheng Weishan's military achievements would be overwhelming if placed in other regions. With the recent adjustments to the military and political leadership of the major military regions, who would be able to contain Zheng Weishan if he were released? The commanders of the other major military regions would all be under pressure.

Wei Hongjun had already made a lot of compromises, so no one else could say they still wanted to suppress Zheng Weishan. Besides Zheng Weishan, other powerful generals like Song Yulin and Ding Sheng were also waiting for changes from above.

The Chairman listened to Wei Hongjun's ideas and nodded slightly.

Knowing that Wei Hongjun wouldn't act recklessly, he said, "Let's adjust a few military regions before the Tenth Congress. But we must do a good job of educating our comrades and avoid any trouble."

1105

Military adjustments have always been a sensitive matter. Since the founding of the People's Republic of China, the central government has always respected the history of various factions and has made cadre adjustments based on their factions.

Just like when Chen Geng left the Kunming Military Region, the candidate chosen by the Military Commission was Chen Xilian, who also came from the Second Field Army.

When the Chengdu Military Region commander position became vacant, the Central Military Commission appointed Huang Xinting as commander. This was actually all done to take care of the faction.

But this kind of care cannot be sustained. The ultimate goal of the central government's care for the factions is to eliminate them, and it is impossible to really use the major military regions as prisons.

It is said that this military region was reorganized from a certain field army, so only cadres from this field army could serve as commanders and political commissars.

If that were the case, the empire would truly be divided. Adjustments to the military and political leadership that had long been in charge of the major military regions were imperative.

Of course, no matter how the military districts are adjusted, the Beijing Military District will always be the most sensitive place. After all, the Beijing Military District governs the key areas of the capital.

The predecessor of the Beijing Military Region was the North China Military Region. After the Fifth Field Army moved south, the main field forces were the 23rd Corps and

The 24th Corps, the Cavalry Column, the Public Security Corps, and local forces under the provincial military regions were formed.

After the end of the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea, the 65th Army and the 74th Army were incorporated into the Beijing Military Region.

The 65th Army was Yang Quanwu's most loyal 74st Column of the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Field Army, and the th Army was a rising star of the North China Field Army. Overall, both were units developed from Yang Quanwu's Hebei-Central Military Region.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun proposed to the Military Commission that Beijing Military Region Commander Tang Jie be transferred to the Military Commission as Deputy Chief of the General Staff, Beijing Military Region Political Commissar Li Zhimin be transferred to the Military Commission as President of the PLA Military Court, and Inner Mongolia Military Region Commander Wu Qinghe be Deputy Minister of the General Armament Department of the Military Commission. This made many people see Wei Hongjun's determination.

This was Wei Hongjun's move to complete the adjustment of the military and political leadership of the major military regions by first targeting his own direct Beijing Military Region and Inner Mongolia Military Region.

Wei Hongjun then proposed that Zhang Guohua be appointed commander of the Beijing Military Region, Luo Renfa be appointed political commissar of the Beijing Military Region, and Wang Enmao be appointed commander of the Inner Mongolia Military Region.

The purpose of cadre adjustments within the major military regions is to eliminate factionalism. However, in order to do so, the interests of each faction must be considered. Only by balancing everyone's interests can cadre adjustments be completed. Since the North China faction has ceded the important positions of commander of the Beijing Military Region and the Inner Mongolia Military Region, the other factions must also make some concessions.

After discussion, the Central Military Commission appointed Yao Zhe, former deputy commander of the Inner Mongolia Military Region, as commander of the Xinjiang Military Region, and appointed Chen Xianrui, former deputy political commissar of the Lanzhou Military Region and political commissar of the Gansu Provincial Military Region, as political commissar of the Xinjiang Military Region.

Zheng Weishan, former deputy commander of the Beijing Military Region, was appointed commander of the Tibet Military Region, and Du Ping, former head of the Organization Department of the Political Department of the Fourth Field Army and director of the Political Department of the Volunteer Army after the end of the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea, was appointed political commissar of the Tibet Military Region.

The North China system took the lead in setting an example, and other mountain systems were reluctant to make excuses.

Therefore, the Central Military Commission continued to discuss cadre adjustments, and the former political commissar of the Lanzhou Military Region, Liu Daosheng, was transferred to the Central Military Commission as deputy director of the General Political Department, the former political commissar of the Guangzhou Military Region, Lai Chuanzhu, was transferred to the Lanzhou Military Region as political commissar, and the former first deputy political commissar of the Wuhan Military Region, Xiang Zhonghua, was appointed as the political commissar of the Guangzhou Military Region.

After the Wuhan Military Region successively transferred Political Commissar Luo Renfa and First Deputy Political Commissar Xiang Zhonghua, it appointed Zhong Qiangguang, former Deputy Political Commissar of the Nanjing Military Region and Political Commissar of the Nanjing Military Academy, as the Political Commissar of the Wuhan Military Region.

Before the Ten Major Military Regions, six or seven major military regions had already adjusted their military and political leadership.

"Are you disappointed that you were asked to go to Tibet during this adjustment?

Before the Tenth National Congress, the first step of adjusting the military and political leadership cadres of the major military regions was carried out. Overall, the North China system made a lot of concessions.

He gave up the important position of commander of the Beijing Military Region, but in the end only Yao Zhe served as commander of the Xinjiang Military Region and Zheng Weishan served as commander of the Tibet Military Region.

The Xinjiang Military Region and the Tibet Military Region are only nominally large military regions, and the number of field troops under their command is very small. The combined strength of these two large military regions is less than half of that of the Beijing Military Region.

Especially Zheng Weishan, who led the

A general who had fought in 40 battles. Now he was assigned to the Tibet Military Region as commander, with less than field troops under his command. Although he became the commander of a major military region, it was not a very important position for Zheng Weishan.

With Zheng Weishan's outstanding achievements, he is more than qualified to be the commander of major military regions such as the Tibet Military Region, Shenyang Military Region, Wuhan Military Region, Nanjing Military Region, and Fuzhou Military Region, not to mention the Tibet Military Region.

"The chief must have other tasks for me."

Zheng Weishan is proud.

After all, when Wei Hongjun led his troops to fight, Zhang Zihua and Zheng Weishan were Wei Hongjun's left and right arms, his two fists.

Zheng Weishan was born in the Red Fourth Front Army, but he was able to squeeze into the Jin-Cha-Ji system where two reds and one cadre gathered, and became a direct general of Jin-Cha-Ji. This was inseparable from Wei Hongjun's respect for him. So although Zheng Weishan was also puzzled as to why Wei Hongjun asked him to go to Tibet, he still believed in Wei Hongjun.

"I have another mission for you, a very important one. I looked around and I think you're the most suitable person.

Hearing Wei Hongjun's words, Zheng Weishan couldn't help but straighten his chest and sit up straighter.

Zheng Weishan was most touched by Wei Hongjun's trust.

In previous battles, Wei Hongjun would always support Zheng Weishan's judgment, even if he couldn't make it himself. This was a heavy trust.

"Commander, no matter what the mission is, I will complete it successfully. Please give the order."

Wei Hongjun was satisfied with Zheng Weishan's attitude.

Regarding the Tibet issue, Wei Hongjun did not seek credit for his own cadres. Rather, he chose cadres he was familiar with, so that they would obey orders more firmly.

Wei Hongjun asked, "Do you know what is the difference between Tibet and other provinces in our country?"

Zheng Weishan thought about it and said directly: "I really haven't thought about this issue."

Zheng Weishan had never thought about going to Tibet one day. Because Tibet was a province liberated by the Second Field Army, cadres from the Second Field Army were given priority in cadre arrangements.

"Tibet was liberated peacefully. Although we fought in Tibet, overall, Tibet was liberated peacefully. The central government and Tibet had a peace agreement, so the central government's policy towards Tibet was primarily lenient. The old Tibetan aristocracy was not resolutely cleansed.

Wei Hongjun stood up, walked to the map and said:

"But the policy in Tibet cannot always be relaxed. Because Tibet is China's Tibet, it is socialist Tibet, not the Tibet of the old aristocracy. But the policies we have implemented in Tibet have encountered a lot of resistance, both overt and covert. Logically speaking, those old aristocrats in Tibet are very discerning. Seeing that my country's economy has been booming in recent years, they dare not make any moves.

"But the situation has changed. The war in Indochina was initiated by China and the Soviet Union, fighting for the Indochina Peninsula with US imperialism. But if we can do it on the first day, US imperialism can naturally do it on the fifteenth day. We can support the revolution in Indochina, and US imperialism can naturally choose to attack us from other aspects."

"Given the current situation in our country, there's only one area where the United States can make a move, and that's Tibet. The first step is naturally to incite these old Tibetan aristocrats, who have lost their privileges, to oppose central government policies and prevent Tibet from becoming a fully socialist country. Furthermore, they won't just block the implementation of our policies; they might even support these old aristocrats in rebellion.

When Zheng Weishan heard that the old Tibetan nobles might rebel, he immediately became furious and asked, "Do they dare?"

"We must be prepared for any eventuality. Before liberation, Tibet was a slave society. The old Tibetan aristocracy had the power of life and death over the Tibetan people. The lower classes were treated like livestock by the old aristocracy; they were their private property. But the People's Liberation Army liberated Tibet, abolished the privileges of the old Tibetan aristocracy, and began implementing socialist policies in Tibet. Do you think they would be willing to accept this?"

"They are weak on their own. But if they were supported by external forces at this time, given money and weapons and equipment, would they be tempted? As the saying goes, blocking someone's financial path is like killing their parents. We Communists are not just blocking their financial path; we have a deep hatred for the old Tibetan aristocracy."

The old Tibetan aristocracy had long been ready to make a move.

The reason they didn't dare to take action was because they were worried about the PLA's powerful combat capabilities. However, as long as there was support from external forces, these old nobles would definitely not be able to resist.

"Don't worry, Commander. When I get to Tibet, I'll definitely take care of them. I can't give them the chance to rebel in Tibet.