The current economic theories of the socialist camp are all directly quoted from the Soviet Union's "political economics textbook".

'Political Economy'

After the success of the revolution in Indochina, China will follow China's pace more closely in socialist construction.

Therefore, when training economic talents for the Lao People's Party and the Communist Party of Burma, they must be exposed to China's socialist economic theory.

"Secretary Wei, I understand.

Zhang Xiushan was a smart man and understood what Wei Hongjun meant.

At the 20th Congress of the Soviet Union, Khrushchev, still rather coyly, suggested that the Soviet Union would use several five-year plans to achieve communism. The phrase "running into communism" was limited to a small circle of people.

However, at the 21st Congress of the CPSU, Khrushchev publicly stated that the Soviet Union had already entered a prosperous socialism and that the next step was communism. He urged the entire CPSU to prepare for the transition to communist society.

This decision of the Soviet Communist Party Central Committee will not benefit the countries in Indochina in any way. It will only make them follow the Soviet Union into fantasy.

"I will help the Lao People's Party and the Communist Party of Burma set up their party schools and train a group of economic cadres for them."

Neither the Lao People's Party nor the Communist Party of Burma had achieved satisfactory development in the years since World War II. Consequently, there was little energy devoted to training party cadres, let alone formal party schools.

Even if the Lao People's Party's big brother, Vietnam, develops its mining industry, they can also cooperate with our country."

"By exchanging what we have and what we don't have, we can develop each other's economy. This is a good thing for both my country and Laos. But how to make industrial cooperation between China and Laos, you need to discover and then develop it.

"Besides Laos, the situation in Myanmar is similar. Myanmar is also rich in forestry resources. The British, during their time in Myanmar, conducted a brief exploration and discovered that Myanmar has a wealth of mineral resources. China's demand for timber is substantial, and its demand for mineral resources is also high. There will be many opportunities for economic cooperation between us in the future. You need to pay attention to these, and prioritize the development of industries that are suitable for the joint development of our two countries."

What is the purpose of communistizing Indochina?

Of course, the goal was to expand the socialist camp and gradually expel imperialist forces, primarily the United States, from Indochina. After expanding the socialist camp, Wei Hongjun wanted to tie most of the countries in Indochina to China.

But how to tie it to China, of course, is to highly integrate the industries of China and Indochina. Only when the economic industries of Indochina become part of China's industrial system can the relationship between China and Indochina be truly inseparable.

To achieve these goals, we cannot resort to last-minute economic negotiations with the socialist countries of Indochina. That would put us in a passive position. Wei Hongjun must begin now to cultivate a group of economic officials willing to engage in economic cooperation with China. From the first stage of economic development in these Indochina countries, they must develop in a manner that complements the Chinese economy.

Wei Hongjun was certain that Khrushchev was currently focused solely on how to communistize Indochina, defeat U.S. imperialism there, and leave his name in history. He hadn't given any thought to how to interact with the political parties and socialist countries in Indochina after communistizing the peninsula.

Because in Khrushchev's mind, if the communistization of Indochina succeeded, then Indochina would naturally become a country in the socialist camp, obeying the Soviet Union's orders like Eastern Europe. And by then, his own reputation would be at its peak, and he would not be afraid that these countries in Indochina would not obey his orders.

Wei Hongjun wanted to take advantage of this opportunity to create a time difference of several years.

Quickly establish new relations with the political parties in Indochina while allowing the Marxist-Leninist parties in Indochina to fight and build at the same time. Their economic construction will be based on cooperation with China.

After the successful communistization of Indochina, the economic development of these countries in Indochina will have been complementary to the Chinese economy. In the short term, their economic development cannot be separated from China. Once their economic ties with China are cut off, their industries will collapse.

At that time, even if the Soviet Union wanted to control the Indochina Peninsula alone without China, or the countries in the Indochina Peninsula wanted to get close to the Soviet Union without China, they would need to consider the consequences.

"The imperialist countries exploited their former colonies and underdeveloped countries mainly by suppressing the prices of raw materials in these countries and providing them with expensive industrial products, thereby earning the difference and making astonishing profits."

"But as a socialist country, we must oppose the imperialist countries' exploitation of poor countries around the world by relying on their industrial advantages. It is precisely because of the exploitation of imperialist countries that most countries in the world cannot enjoy the fruits of industrialization and modernization. The people of most countries cannot enjoy modern industrial products.

"We must expose this shameless new economic colonization by imperialist countries in our diplomacy."

"What our country needs to do is vigorously develop industrialization, so that we can produce more and more high-quality and low-cost industrial products, and let people all over the world enjoy the benefits of industrialization. This is the greatest contribution our country will make to improving the living standards of people around the world in the future."

"So you must convey all of this when you lecture to members of the Lao People's Party and the Communist Party of Burma. As a country in the socialist camp, our country will fulfill this obligation even more and provide high-quality and low-cost industrial products to our socialist fraternal countries."

China's industrialization is an unprecedented industrialization, which has brought about a subversion of the entire world's industrial landscape.

The Soviet Union, Europe, and the US did not anticipate China's industrialization. When a country with a population of over a billion truly industrializes, the resulting influence directly subverts the international situation.

Because China is a late-developing country, its industrialization has swallowed up the share of developed industrial countries.

Half a century later, European and American countries have been constantly criticizing China's overcapacity and industrialization. Internationally, voices criticizing China's industrialization are rising one after another.

There have been many criticisms both at home and abroad regarding the plummeting prices of industrial products after China's industrialization.

There are indeed some inaccuracies, as low prices are caused by competition among competitors. However, some industries have low costs to begin with, and it was the monopoly that previously caused high prices. Once China entered the market, prices plummeted.

As a developing country, China will eventually encounter this problem as long as its industry begins to develop rapidly.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun was ready to vindicate China's industrialization in theory.

What is the purpose of China's industrialization? Of course, it is to enable people all over the world to enjoy the fruits of industrialization and use high-quality and low-cost industrial products.

Future and Chairman Mao's "Three Worlds Theory"

Combined with foreign trade, a world-wide

"The countryside surrounds the city"

After Wei Hongjun had a detailed discussion with Zhang Xiushan about the future development of the Lao People's Party and the Communist Party of Burma, he asked Zhang Xiushan to consider the list of cadres to be sent to the Communist Party of Burma.

1. Update later, but before o'clock.

1104

In history, Gao Gang's so-called "Five Tiger Generals" all had outstanding abilities. Among them, Zhang Xiushan had the most comprehensive abilities, and made achievements in the three aspects of the party, government and military.

However, the Gao Gang incident left Zhang Xiushan with a heavy historical burden. Gao Gang's actions had seriously undermined the Party's organizational procedures and had offended many central government officials.

Not only did he directly offend Comrade Xiuyang and the Premier, but also Chen Yun and Deng Xixian, who were wooed by Gao Gang, also disliked Gao Gang's work style.

Therefore, no matter how hard Gao Gang tries, even if he returns to the Politburo in the future, it will be difficult for him to enter the core decision-making level.

Zhang Xiushan and Gao Gang had a very close historical relationship and had worked together for too long. Among the "Five Tigers", only Zhang Xiushan and Gao Gang were from the same Shaanxi-Northern Shaanxi cadre background; the others only started working with Gao Gang after arriving in Northeast China.

Therefore, although Zhang Xiushan worked very hard, he had no confidence in his future political career.

But after this conversation with Wei Hongjun, Zhang Xiushan suddenly realized that his political career was not over, but on the contrary, his future was suddenly bright. This was because Wei Hongjun wanted to completely hand over the development of the Communist Party of China and the political parties and countries in Indochina to him.

This is a great trust. After a few years, when the Lao People's Party, the Communist Party of Burma, and even the Khmer People's Revolutionary Party and the Communist Party of Thailand have completed various reforms and have sufficient strength, Zhang Xiushan's status in the party will definitely be greatly improved.

Zhang Xiushan would serve as a bridge between the CCP and the political parties of Indochina. To become such a bridge between parties, one must have a certain level of rank—even if not a Politburo member, then an alternate. Zhang Xiushan, 50 years old, still had plenty of time to strive. Wei Hongjun arguably placed great trust in Zhang Xiushan, providing him with a path to great success.

Therefore, Zhang Xiushan did not want to let Wei Hongjun down, nor did he want to give up this opportunity, so Zhang Xiushan quickly gave Wei Hongjun a list of political advisory groups to help the Communist Party of Burma.

In addition to Lai Dahe, who was recommended by Wei Hongjun, Zhang Xiushan also selected some cadres he was familiar with, all of whom were very outstanding in party affairs and base area construction during the war years.

He was in a bad situation before, so he was reluctant to contact some people, fearing that they would be implicated by him.

But with Wei Hongjun's support, Zhang Xiushan was no longer afraid.

At the same time, the Military Commission also discussed the formation of a military advisory group to support the Communist Party of Burma. Myanmar has a population of over 20 million, with many ethnic groups and warlords, so military training is no small matter.

The Central Military Commission appointed Cui Jiangong, former commander of the 16th Army (historically the 13th Army) and currently Chief of Staff of the Kunming Military Region, as head of the Burmese Military Advisory Group. It also appointed Cai Shunli, head of the Security Department of the General Political Department of the Central Military Commission, as political commissar of the group. China initially supported the Pathet Lao, promising to equip the Pathet Lao with enough equipment for one army division. This was a more substantial support for the Communist Party of Burma (CPB). China met with CPB leader Thakin Than Tung, and the two sides quickly reached a series of cooperation agreements. China promised Thakin Than Tung that it would equip the CPB with equipment for three army divisions.

China supported the Communist Party of Burma in establishing its rural base in the northern region, that is, the area near Yunnan, to train its guerrillas and cultivate its cadres.

With China's promise, the guerrillas of the former Communist Party of Burma (CPB) in the north, who had retreated to China in the 1950s, quickly regrouped. These were CPB guerrillas who had retreated into China after failing in the guerrilla war a few years earlier. Now with an opportunity, they regrouped under the call of Thakin Than Tung. Some of them had even married and had children in China.

In less than two months, Thakin Thandong, with the help of China, established

A force of 1200 men.

The situation in Indochina was turbulent, attracting the attention of the world. The United States and the Soviet Union exchanged insults at the United Nations every day because of the situation in Indochina.

The United States accused the Soviet Union of being the main culprit in provoking the war in Indochina, and that it was the Soviet Union that instigated the Vietnamese Workers' Party to tear up the consensus reached at the Geneva Conference and invade the South Vietnamese regime. The United States demanded that the Soviet Union quickly withdraw its support for the Vietnamese Workers' Party, the aggressor in the South Vietnamese regime.

The Soviet Union directly told the United States to withdraw its troops from Indochina as soon as possible. The Soviet Union believed that the current war in Indochina was entirely due to the presence of US troops in Indochina.

If the US troops leave Indochina, the war in Indochina will stop soon.

Because of the issue of the Indochina Peninsula, Wei Hongjun held a series of Politburo meetings and enlarged Secretariat meetings, approving the list of political advisory groups proposed by Zhang Xiushan and the list of military advisory groups submitted by the Military Commission.

At the same time, Wei Hongjun proposed to the Politburo to establish a joint command in Indochina in Kunming, which would have full command of the revolutions of the Lao People's Party and the Communist Party of Burma, and be fully responsible for the work of the political and military advisory groups sent by China to Laos and Myanmar. Comrade Zhang Xiushan would serve as the commander-in-chief of the command.

Wei Hongjun did value Zhang Xiushan. In fact, if there was a chance in the future, Wei Hongjun would prefer to use Zhang Xiushan between Gao Gang and Zhang Xiushan.

Compared to Gao Gang's assertive style, Zhang Xiushan can be stubborn at times, but that's mainly because she insists on her own opinions. She also has a very good work ethic and is very down-to-earth, otherwise Gao Gang wouldn't have relied so heavily on her in Northeast China.

After handling these tasks, Wei Hongjun reported to the Chairman. Although the Chairman had given Wei Hongjun full authority over the work of the Central Committee, Wei Hongjun would still report some important work to the Chairman every once in a while.

The Chairman mainly listened to the progress of some important work. Overall, he was very satisfied with Wei Hongjun, especially since Wei Hongjun took over the work of the Central Committee, there have been no major fluctuations, and many cadres have accepted this change very naturally.

The Chairman is most looking forward to the fact that there will be no fluctuations in the succession. After talking about the central work during this period, Wei Hongjun changed the subject and talked about the issue of basic pension.

"Chairman, regarding the issue of basic pensions, I would like to first publicize it so that everyone can express their opinions and engage in a thorough discussion.

Only when everyone is mentally prepared can the central government's implementation be smoother and more successful.

Because there was a severe drought in 1959, 1960, and 1961, there had been no salary adjustments in the country for three years.

At the same time, because there are so many things to deal with in these three years, some controversial policies can only be put on hold for the time being.

But after 1961, the nationwide drought will end. As the national economy recovers, national wages will inevitably need to be adjusted. At that time, the issue of basic pensions will have to be raised again.

Of course, there is another problem that Wei Hongjun must solve while the Chairman is still in office.

The Chairman has an extra halo compared to other central leaders, which is a halo that later comers like Wei Hongjun do not have.

To put it bluntly, the Chinese revolution would have hardly succeeded without the Chairman. The Chairman was the revolutionary leader who truly saved the Chinese revolution, and his contributions to the Chinese revolution are irreplaceable by anyone in the first generation of leadership.

To put it more bluntly, the Chinese revolution can do without anyone, but the Chairman is indispensable.

Many cadres' affection and faith in the Chairman are due to the Chairman's repeated efforts to save the Chinese revolution and the Party, and to the continuous victories that followed.

With each victory, the Chairman's reputation has steadily grown, reaching its peak. It can be said that while some issues may be difficult to resolve when the Chairman is around, they are generally not a major problem. Because the Chairman is in charge, many problems can be suppressed.

But if the problem cannot be solved when the Chairman is present, and Wei Hongjun wants to deal with it later, it will require more compromises and more efforts.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun must resolve the basic pension issue within the next few years, before the Chairman retires. Therefore, he took the initiative to raise this issue when reporting to the Chairman.

"It's a good thing to create public opinion in advance so we can hear everyone's views. If we can help people across the country better understand the role of basic pensions through public opinion and publicity, that would be an even better thing."

"Moreover, this kind of discussion is itself an educational experience. When the people participate in discussions on these issues, they will gain a better understanding of what socialism is and better appreciate their own rights and interests.

The chairman nodded, supporting Wei Hongjun's idea. Although he wanted to make the decision directly on the basic pension, he also knew that he couldn't do that.

The Chairman has always supported this kind of discussion. Through such extensive discussions, everyone can be educated.

“What are you going to do?

“I want to find some people first and throw the problem out there.

Then we can get more people involved in the discussion, and our main job is to guide public opinion.”

"Raising this question may lead to criticism from some people. Finding such a person is not easy. Once the pre-basic pension is determined, it will affect the interests of many people.

In the past, everyone's salary and benefits were different, and their retirement pay was also different. Now, if a basic pension is introduced, everyone's retirement pay will be the same. How could some officials who are obsessed with officialdom be satisfied with such a thing?

Therefore, the person who first raised the question might be attacked by many people. Not only will he be attacked now, but even decades from now, people will criticize Wei Hongjun: "Chairman, I believe that most of our party members are good. Many of our party members and cadres are willing to sacrifice their lives for the fairness of our socialist country."

Wei Hongjun had actually made preparations and had a specific candidate in mind. However, as soon as this topic was brought up, public opinion would inevitably be in an uproar.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun must first obtain the Chairman's consent and support.

The Chairman nodded and said, "Yes, we must trust the awareness of the majority of Party members and cadres. This is a bold move. The basic pension is a major issue concerning socialist fairness and justice. I fully support it."

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