Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"The Vietnamese People's Army reported that they would organize their troops to advance south. They have already requested the Soviet Union to equip ten more Vietnamese army divisions. The Vietnamese People's Army has been expanding its military."

Are there many Vietnamese people?

Not much at all. The entire population of Vietnam currently only adds up to 3000 million, but the combined number of troops currently possessed by North Vietnam and South Vietnam is close to 100 million.

Moreover, with the influx of weapons and ammunition from the United States and the Soviet Union, it is possible that the total number of Vietnamese troops will exceed 200 million.

"What do Comrade Zuo Quan and Comrade Chen Zhonghe say?"

"They predicted that as long as the Vietnamese People's Army and the South's National Liberation Armed Forces moved quickly enough, they would be able to squeeze the US and Ngo Dinh Diem puppet troops into the Saigon area. In fact, if it weren't for the large-scale 'Tea Offensive' this time, the Vietnamese People's Army would have already reached Saigon."

"However, the Saigon area is already swarming with troops from all sides. The combined forces of the US military and Ngo Dinh Diem's ​​puppet army number approximately 20. Given the strength of the Vietnam People's Army, it would be very difficult to capture Saigon.

What Deng Guo said is a pity.

Why were those large and medium-sized cities so eager to be taken? Diem's ​​puppet troops were already frightened and could only hunker down in the cities. They relied on American aircraft to drop supplies to survive and dared not fight outside the cities. Even many South Vietnamese troops were showing signs of surrender.

It would be better to leave some troops to guard these cities and strengthen the political offensive against these Wu Dinh Diem puppet troops. Other troops quickly advance to take over the entire South Vietnam and eliminate those Wu Dinh Diem puppet troops who did not have time to evacuate.

"What does Comrade Feng Yongshun say? Can the ammunition requested by the Vietnamese People's Army be delivered in time?

"can."

Hong Xuezhi, head of the General Armaments Department, said: "In order to cooperate with the Vietnam War of Unification, the Soviet Union invested in and established military factories in Guangxi and Yunnan. They mainly produced Soviet light weapons and ammunition.

The Vietnam War of Unification seemed very awkward to these Chinese generals.

The direction of Vietnam's unification war was not the same as China's deduction. In particular, the Vietnamese People's Army concentrated

15 people fought a war targeting large and medium-sized cities in Vietnam

The "New Year Offensive" seems to be completely unnecessary.

However, judging by the current situation of the Vietnam War of Unification, the Soviet military advisory group has a greater say in the decision-making of the Vietnam People's Army. This is understandable, as the Soviet Union currently accounts for 90% of the supplies Vietnam receives. The Soviet Union is Vietnam's true financial backer.

After discussing the situation in Vietnam, Deng Guo continued, “The weapons and ammunition we provided to the Pathet Lao have been equipped to the Pathet Lao forces. After more than half a year of training by our military advisory group, the Pathet Lao armed forces (Lao Combat Forces) were officially renamed the Lao People’s Army. They currently have

7400 field troops and more than 40000 militia troops have officially launched the Laotian Liberation War in various places.

"Judging from the first phase of the battles, the Laotian government forces are generally weak, and northern Laos has become a Pathet Lao stronghold. If no other forces intervene, the Lao People's Army should have no problem taking over the entire country within two years. The main concern now is that the US military will intervene in the Laotian war.

Although Wei Hongjun chaired this Military Commission meeting, he did not speak much, only asking about some specific situations.

In fact, Wei Hongjun could have asked the Military Commission to write a report on these things. The reason for holding the Military Commission meeting was, first, to formally appear before the Military Commission leadership, and second, to prepare to establish a five-member group within the Military Commission specifically responsible for the Indochina Peninsula war issue.

Wei Hongjun had informed all members of the Military Commission before the meeting. They all agreed to form a five-member group to specifically deal with the Indochina Peninsula war.

"How about Comrade Xu Xiangqian take charge of this work?"

When discussing who would be the leader of the five-member group, Wei Hongjun mentioned Marshal Xu's name.

Currently, each member of the CMC Standing Committee has their own responsibilities, but Marshal Xu holds the title of Provisional Politburo Member and CMC Standing Committee Member, but does not have a clear division of labor. Like Marshal Lin, although Marshal Xu did not have a long year of rest, his work division was not very broad.

Of course, another reason is that Wei Hongjun, as a genuine "Three Reds and Ones" cadre (the First Division of the First Front Army's First Corps), many of the army's direct lineage cadres were from "Two Reds and Ones" or the Central Red Army. Direct lineage cadres like Zheng Weishan, who came from "Four Reds," were relatively rare. Therefore, this also conveyed a certain attitude: Wei Hongjun would not be partial in the use of military cadres.

Xu Shuai was the flagship cadre of the Red Fourth Army. That was why Wei Hongjun proposed that Xu Shuai take charge of this task.

"agree."

All the members of the Military Commission present agreed. This wasn't some redistribution of power by the Military Commission. Marshal Xu, who was proposed by Wei Hongjun, was also present, so no one objected.

"Comrade Xu Xiangqian, are you here?"

“I accept the organization’s decision.

"Comrade Xu Xiangqian, you will be compiling intelligence on the war in Indochina and analyzing its trajectory to inform the central government's decision-making. You will be the team leader, and you will nominate four deputy team leaders to share responsibility for this task."

1102 The Future of Indochina

Marshal Xu, once the commander-in-chief of the Red Fourth Front Army, and Chen Changhao were both important civil and military officials and right-hand men of Zhang Guotao.

Although conflicts arose between the Central Red Army and the Fourth Red Army during the Long March, especially when Marshal Xu of the grassland division did not agree to use force to stop the Central Red Army from moving north, he made a great contribution.

However, Zhang Guotao's courage to challenge the Central Committee, including the West Route Army's crossing of the river, was supported by Marshal Xu. Without Marshal Xu's support, many of Zhang Guotao's ideas would not have been so easy to implement.

Zhang Guotao's establishment of a separate Central Committee was a major event in the history of the Chinese Communist Party. Marshal Xu and many senior generals of the Red Fourth Regiment supported Zhang Guotao's establishment of a separate Central Committee. This is what is known as a historical issue.

Therefore, after the West Route Army returned to Yan'an after its defeat, Marshal Xu maintained a very low profile. Although the problems of the Red Fourth Front Army were primarily blamed on Zhang Guotao and Chen Changhao in order to unite the vast majority of cadres, it was impossible for Marshal Xu, the commander-in-chief, to completely stay out of the matter. Therefore, he did whatever work the Central Committee assigned him.

After the July 129 Incident, he was appointed deputy commander of the th Division. Many cadres from the Fourth Front Army were dissatisfied and spoke up for him, wondering why General Xu should be deputy to General Liu. However, General Xu accepted the appointment very calmly.

He was also like this when he served as deputy commander of the North China Field Army during the Liberation War, because Marshal Xu knew that he was bound by history.

After liberation, Marshal Xu, as the Chief of the General Staff, also did not perform his duties due to health reasons. At that time, Yang Quanwu served as the acting Chief of the General Staff and handled the work of a certain department of the General Staff.

In recent years, Marshal Xu has been extremely cautious, fearing that if he becomes active, the Central Committee will easily dig up the events of the Red Fourth Front Army.

Now, General Xu was asked to recommend four deputy team leaders. After considering for a while, General Xu slowly said, "Comrade Zuo Quan and Comrade Chen Zhonghe are both on the front lines in Vietnam. They are more familiar with the specific situation there than we are."

Upon hearing Marshal Xu recommend Zuo Quan and Chen Zhonghe, Deng Guo said, "Our military advisory group in Vietnam is primarily responsible for training Vietnamese troops. The Soviet military advisory group has a greater say in matters of military command for the Vietnamese People's Army, and the Vietnamese People's Army trusts it more. Comrade Zuo Quan and Comrade Chen Zhonghe are both in Vietnam, so there's no need for them. I think one of them could be transferred back."

Originally, China thought that just like the Vietnam War against France, the Vietnam People's Army needed a Chinese military advisory group. At that time, both Chen Geng and Wei Guoqing could directly help the Vietnam People's Army formulate strategies and tactics.

But this time was completely different. After the Soviet Union's forceful intervention in Indochina, both the Vietnamese Workers' Party and the Vietnamese People's Army placed greater trust in their financial backers, the Soviet Union. The military advisory group sent by China had a very limited impact in Vietnam.

China sent two deputy chiefs of staff from a certain department of the General Staff, one of whom was a former deputy chief of staff of the Eighth Route Army, and the other was a former chief of staff of the Chinese People's Volunteer Army.

But judging from the current situation, it is a complete waste.

So Deng Guo suggested leaving one person to take full charge of the affairs in Vietnam and transferring the other person back.

"I think I can."

Mr. He nodded.

He said: "Judging from the current situation, there is indeed no need for Comrade Zuo Quan and Comrade Chen Zhonghe to be in Vietnam."

"I have no opinion."

General Peng nodded in support.

Tan Zheng observed everyone's attitude, so he also expressed his position:

"I support."

Wei Hongjun just nodded.

As for who between Zuo Quan and Chen Zhonghe will stay in Vietnam and who will return to China, the Military Commission will decide.

Marshal Xu continued, "Comrade Li Tianyou is in charge of military intelligence work in a certain department of the General Staff. As deputy team leader, he plays a very important role in intelligence exchange."

Every name recommended by General Xu was carefully considered. Although the five-member team formed this time was not from a powerful department of the Military Commission, General Xu was still very careful and chose people with no historical connection to him.

As Deputy Chief of the General Staff, Li Tianyou is in charge of military intelligence work in a department of the General Staff.

Seeing that everyone agreed with Li Tianyou, Marshal Xu continued, "Researching the direction of the war on the Central Asian Peninsula requires the cooperation of the Academy of Military Science. I think Comrade Su Yu, Vice President of the Academy of Military Science, would be more suitable as deputy team leader."

Almost four years had passed since the "anti-dogmatism" movement, and Su Yu had been sidelined for almost four years. It could be argued that without the historical halo of the Huaihai Campaign, Su Yu's voice within the Military Commission itself was less influential.

After sitting on the bench for almost four years, his influence has declined sharply.

This time, when General Xu proposed Su Yu as deputy team leader, it wasn't because he wanted to take Su Yu into consideration. He was considering the positions of each cadre based on their respective factions.

Zuo Quan was in charge of the First Field Army, Chen Zhonghe was a serious cadre from the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region and a member of the Chinese People's Volunteer Army, Li Tianyou was in charge of the Fourth Field Army, and Su Yu was in charge of the Third Field Army.

Marshal Xu's caution is deeply ingrained in his bones. None of the four deputy team leaders are from the Red Fourth Army.

No one immediately expressed their views on Su Yu. General Peng personally criticized Su Yu for his "anti-dogmatism" stance, but he had almost forgotten his own criticism of Su Yu's "dogmatism" a few years earlier. Although Su Yu was still a member of the Central Military Commission, he had completely lost his influence and had no specific responsibilities, so he was completely ignored by General Peng.

Moreover, the so-called collection of war intelligence in the Indochina Peninsula and research on the direction of the war is not a powerful department of the Military Commission, but only a temporary agency.

So General Peng said: "These four comrades are suitable to serve as deputy team leaders."

With General Peng's words, everyone nodded in agreement. After Su Yu was transferred to the central government, he made few good friends with the cadres in the General Staff Department, and he also offended few cadres.

Because Su Yu was not good at managing relationships with cadres from other factions, and their usual interactions were only for work, their relationships were generally average. Therefore, no one would strongly support Su Yu, but no one would strongly oppose him either.

As the meeting drew to a close, Wei Hongjun asked, "Comrade Deng Guo, how are Taiwan's warships currently operating?

“More active than before.”

Deng Guo immediately said, "Since the outbreak of the Vietnam War, high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft from the US military and Chiang Kai-shek's group have frequently entered our airspace for reconnaissance. Furthermore, their naval warships have been deployed more frequently, threatening our shipping. Many of our merchant ships have been seized by them."

"This situation cannot continue. Chiang Kai-shek's army must be taught a lesson."

If Chiang Kai-shek's army is not dealt a military blow, Chiang Kai-shek will truly be unaware of his own strength. If Chiang Kai-shek's warships continue to act recklessly, it will severely undermine the development of New China's maritime transport and coastal areas.

After the outbreak of the Vietnam War, Chiang Kai-shek became active again. He not only provided airfields to the US military and took charge of its logistics, but also actively expressed his willingness to send troops to assist the US military in resisting the Vietnamese People's Army.

Chiang Kai-shek still cries out for a "rebound against the mainland," but he doesn't actually believe it. Especially after China's successful atomic bomb explosion, Chiang Kai-shek has completely given up on the idea. But Chiang Kai-shek's biggest fear now is whether the increasingly powerful New China will resort to force against Taiwan.

Chiang Kai-shek's thinking is similar to Thailand's, that is, he must tie himself to the United States and ask for its protection.

Therefore, Chiang Kai-shek severely cracked down on people like Sun Liren who had connections with the United States, and at the same time actively responded when the United States needed him.

"We have already begun preparations. Once our forces are deployed, we will definitely deliver a severe blow to the warships of the Chiang Kai-shek bandit army.

Deng Guo replied.

Wei Hongjun nodded. Taiwan's warships were rampaging, treating the entire sea area as if it were their own.

The arrogant Taiwan Navy must be dealt a heavy blow.

There was nothing important to discuss at this Military Commission meeting so it ended quickly.

Wei Hongjun is preparing to receive Le Duan, the first secretary of the Vietnamese Workers' Party, to see how the two sides will cooperate next.

However, before Le Duan, Wei Hongjun first talked with Zhang Xiushan, head of the Laotian Political Advisory Group.

After meeting Wei Hongjun, Zhang Xiushan gave Wei Hongjun a detailed introduction to his work in the Pathet Lao over the past six months.

Although the Pathet Lao embraced Marxism-Leninism, it was not a fully Marxist-Leninist armed group. Its leadership was complex, encompassing the Lao People's Party and a group led by Prince Souphanouvong.

So, despite their weakness and mere presence of only a few thousand men, the Pathet Lao were not completely united. Fortunately, Prince Souphanouvong accepted Marxism-Leninism, believing that it was Marxism-Leninism that could save Laos. Therefore, Prince Souphanouvong supported the Lao People's Party and was willing to allow the Pathet Lao to accept the party's command. This is why the Pathet Lao were called Marxist-Leninist forces.

The Lao People's Party was originally the Indochinese Communist Party. Later, the Indochinese Communist Party decided to support Laos and Cambodia in establishing their own communist parties. Consequently, Laotian members of the former Indochinese Communist Party formed the Lao People's Party, while Cambodian members formed the Khmer People's Revolutionary Party.

That is to say, the original Indochina Communist Party was divided into the Vietnam Workers' Party, the Lao People's Party, and the Khmer People's Revolutionary Party.

The Workers' Party of Vietnam is the purest successor of the Communist Party of Indochina, while the Lao People's Party and the Khmer People's Revolutionary Party are split from the Communist Party of Indochina.

This is the special relationship between the Workers' Party of Vietnam and the Lao People's Party and the Khmer People's Revolutionary Party. In the early days, they were one and the same.

Therefore, the Lao People's Party and the Workers' Party of Vietnam have a very close relationship. Historically, tens of thousands of Vietnamese troops were stationed in Laos, and the Lao People's Party became a vassal of the Workers' Party of Vietnam. It was not until the death of Le Duan that the Lao People's Party finally broke free from the control of the Workers' Party of Vietnam.

Zhang Xiushan entered such a complicated Pathet Lao to work.

But this was no problem for a well-rounded cadre like Zhang Xiushan, who had participated in student and military movements, led armed uprisings, led troops in battles, and built base areas.