Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Just because you say you're a non-governmental organization doesn't mean you're truly one. Under China's current system, so-called non-governmental organizations are essentially no different from public institutions.

Many organizations are nominally civil society groups, but in reality they rely on state funding to survive. Since these so-called civil society groups receive state funding, they are naturally subject to state oversight.

The next item passed at the meeting was the "Draft Joint Report on Inspection Work by the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, and the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls."

This is the summary report on the inspection work by the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, and the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls.

The three departments believe that currently, they conduct inspections independently, and as a result, many problems are discovered, but they cannot be solved by each department alone. Ultimately, they need to coordinate with other departments to solve them.

At the same time, all three departments sent inspection teams, resulting in three different inspection teams inspecting the same issue together, wasting manpower and resources.

Therefore, the three departments proposed that they unite to form a "Central Inspection Team."

Wei Hongjun attaches great importance to the inspection work, but will not push it blindly. He will promote the central inspection work step by step. This meeting reviewed the inspection work achievements of the three departments: the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, the Central Supervisory Commission, and the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls.

First, the committee acknowledged the achievements of the three departments' inspection work and agreed with their reports. It also argued that the current practice of each department independently dispatching inspection teams has weakened the inspection force. Therefore, the committee approved the reports of the three departments and agreed to establish a central inspection work leading group and formulate more comprehensive inspection work regulations.

Based on the chairman's proposal, the meeting elected Wei Hongjun as the head of the Central Inspection Work Leading Group, Chen Tanqiu as the executive deputy head, and Tan Zhenlin, Luo Qirong, Du Liqing (Minister of Public Security), Zhang Yucheng (Prosecutor General of the Supreme People's Procuratorate), and Xia Houwen as deputy heads.

After all these matters were passed, the chairman made another report.

In this report, the Chairman publicly expressed his idea that after the Fifth Session of the Ninth Central Committee, he wanted Wei Hongjun to represent him in taking overall charge of the work of the Central Committee.

The Chairman first said that he was old and lacked energy, and wanted to focus more on promoting the international communist movement and theoretical research on socialist construction, rather than on the daily work of the Central Committee.

At the same time, the Chairman reviewed the history of Wei Hongjun and spoke highly of his achievements. Finally, he said that Comrade Wei Hongjun had undergone training in all aspects of the Party, government and military, and had emerged as an outstanding leading cadre of our Party.

Because the Chairman had previously discussed his views with the central and local Party and government leaders, as well as the military leadership, there was little commotion when he raised this matter at the Fifth Session of the Ninth Central Committee.

Now, with the Chairman's support, Wei Hongjun's own footing is stable, and he has considerable support within the Party, government, and military. His rise to power is unstoppable. Under such circumstances, even the top brass of the Central Committee have to avoid his attack, and other cadres are even less likely to oppose him.

However, many people lamented that Wei Hongjun, only 46 years old this year, has already begun to take charge of the overall work of the Central Committee. It will take another 30 years for Wei Hongjun to retire.

This doesn't require a vote by the Central Committee. Even if the Chairman doesn't approve the Central Committee, Wei Hongjun is a member of the Politburo Standing Committee. The Chairman can easily delegate the task of handling Central Committee affairs to Wei Hongjun.

However, that would be completely unjustifiable. However, after the Chairman publicly stated at the Fifth Session of the Ninth Central Committee and the Party accepted it, Wei Hongjun's future work in the Central Committee was completely justified.

The Chairman is also preparing for the 10th National Congress. After a year of transition and full acceptance of this change within the Party, Wei Hongjun's position can be formally confirmed at the 10th National Congress.

In order to allow Wei Hongjun to concentrate on handling the work of the Central Committee, the Chairman proposed to elect someone as the second secretary of the Secretariat to assist Wei Hongjun in handling the daily work of the Secretariat.

This required a vote of the Central Committee, and finally Chen Tanqiu, Minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, was elected as the second secretary of the Secretariat.

Chen Tanqiu resigned as head of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee to oversee the overall work of the Secretariat. Of the three candidates for the post of head of the Organization Department, Luo Qirong, Song Renqiong, and An Ziwen, the Central Committee voted to elect Luo Qirong as head of the Organization Department.

With these changes, the Fifth Session of the Ninth Central Committee officially ended.

1101 presided over the Military Commission meeting

After the Fifth Session of the Ninth Central Committee, Wei Hongjun officially began to preside over the work of the Central Committee.

Only then did I understand why the Chairman said he lacked energy. It was because he was in charge of the work of the Central Committee, and the number of reports he had to deal with was countless.

Documents from the Secretariat, the State Council, several working committees, reports from the Central Military Commission, and letters from NPC and CPPCC members to the Chairman on many matters all require approval.

Of course, another reason why there were so many documents to process was that Wei Hongjun was in charge of central work for the first time, and many units and cadres did not dare to be careless.

As the saying goes, a new emperor appoints new ministers. Although Wei Hongjun had performed well in the past and had good cooperation with cadres from different factions, he would not promote only cadres from his own faction.

But this is a different time. Now that Wei Hongjun has been essentially confirmed as the successor, who knows what he will do.

If Wei Hongjun is not given a detailed work report and feels that the cadres below are perfunctory in their treatment of him, then the problem will be serious.

Therefore, many cadres reported everything to Wei Hongjun, no matter what. Everyone was also testing Wei Hongjun's working style.

Wei Hongjun was new to the job, so he didn't notice it at first, but he soon understood what his subordinates were thinking. They preferred more trouble than to be seen by Wei Hongjun as disrespecting the new leader.

This was true for central government departments, as well as many provincial governments. Originally, many of their reports were simply sent to the Secretariat, the State Council, or the Central Working Committee. After the Secretariat and other departments processed them, they didn't even need Wei Hongjun's approval, as they were routine work. Yet, they still had to write an additional report and send it to the General Office of the Central Committee, specifically to Wei Hongjun.

As a result, Wei Hongjun had just taken charge of the central work, and various reports suddenly surged. As Wei Hongjun's political secretary, Zhao Han led Wei Hongjun's secretarial team and was busy all the time.

Although the General Office of the Central Committee added two secretaries to Wei Hongjun after he took charge of the central work, he was still very busy.

Wei Hongjun also smiled bitterly.

No wonder Emperor Yongzheng was furious when he was dealing with memorials. Because a bunch of officials were afraid that the emperor would forget about them, so they would write memorials to the emperor, saying: "The weather is nice today, is your Majesty well?" "The flowers are blooming today, is your Majesty well?"

It's raining today. Is the emperor well?

Among the memorials the emperor dealt with every day, a large portion were of this kind, which naturally made the workaholic Emperor Yongzheng angry.

If I personally make all the decisions, I'll tire myself out and still not finish my work. As a leader, I need to learn how to mobilize the initiative of my subordinates. Therefore, Wei Hongjun quickly separated his responsibilities. If he didn't adjust, his secretarial team would be the first to be exhausted.

After the daily work of the Secretariat was handed over to Chen Tanqiu, Wei Hongjun decided to hold an enlarged meeting of the Secretariat once a week. Reports that should have been sent to the Secretariat should no longer be sent to Wei Hongjun.

The work of the various working committees didn't need to be reported to Wei Hongjun in detail. After organizing their work, they could simply submit reports to him every three days. If there were any important matters, Wei Hongjun would attend meetings of the Central Working Committee.

As for the letters from NPC and CPPCC members reporting issues to Wei Hongjun, he should hand them over to the General Office of the CPC Central Committee and the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls for joint processing. The results will then be compiled into a report and submitted to Wei Hongjun. Don't send all these letters to Wei Hongjun. If Wei Hongjun had to handle all of them, then what would the General Office of the CPC Central Committee and the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls be for?

Wei Hongjun wouldn't rush to establish his own authority, reorganize the cadre ranks, or promote his own trusted cadres just because he's in charge of central affairs. That's what cadres without foundations do, and Wei Hongjun doesn't need that at all.

What Wei Hongjun needs to do is ensure that the Central Committee operates as smoothly as it did under the previous Chairman, ensuring that all Politburo Standing Committee members and Politburo members perform their respective duties. He should not allow changes in the Central Committee's operations to alter accordingly. The Chairman instructed Wei Hongjun that, except for major matters affecting the national economy and people's livelihood, he should only report to the Chairman on his work once every two weeks.

But Wei Hongjun remained cautious. He compiled his daily work into reports, which he would not submit directly to the Chairman. Instead, he would send them to the Chairman's secretariat for safekeeping. The Chairman could review them at any time if he wanted to.

Even when important meetings were being held, Wei Hongjun would have Zhao Han personally notify the Chairman. Whether the Chairman was attending or not, he would be notified. Although the Chairman had Wei Hongjun in charge of Central Committee work, he was still a member of the Political Bureau Standing Committee and the Political Bureau.

The year between the Fifth Session of the Ninth Central Committee and the Tenth National Congress was crucial for Wei Hongjun. As long as he could successfully navigate this year, he would truly be the legitimate successor to the Party during the Tenth National Congress. Therefore, Wei Hongjun was more cautious than ever.

Less than a month after Wei Hongjun took charge of the central work, changes began to appear on the Vietnam battlefield, and it can be said that the entire Indochina Peninsula began to become unstable.

Le Duan, who was elected First Secretary of the Vietnamese Workers' Party in 1960, was preparing to visit Beijing again to discuss further cooperation with China. In fact, he wanted to gain more support from China.

Moreover, after the outbreak of the Vietnam War of Unification, it inspired communist organizations in Indochina such as the Communist Party of Thailand and the Communist Party of Burma.

Their armed forces are also developing rapidly, resulting in the entire Indochina Peninsula being in chaos.

The Chairman of the Communist Party of Burma, Thakin Than Tung, secretly came to China from southern Myanmar and also wanted to discuss cooperation with the Chinese government. In order to deploy the next steps in the Indochina Peninsula, Wei Hongjun convened a meeting of the Military Commission for the first time as the leader in charge of central work.

Chief of the General Staff of the Central Military Commission Deng Guo briefed everyone on the current situation of the Vietnam War.

On January 1, Commander-in-Chief of the Vietnam People's Army, Comrade Vo Nguyen Giap, mobilized 27 Vietnam People's Army troops and 12 southern national liberation forces to launch the 'Tea Offensive', aiming to liberate the besieged cities of South Vietnam in one fell swoop.

"After a month of fighting, the Vietnamese People's Army and the South's National Liberation Armed Forces liberated South Vietnam.

37 large and medium-sized cities. However, the casualties of the Vietnamese People's Army and the National Liberation Armed Forces of the South were also very heavy.

General Peng asked, "How many casualties were there? How did they occur?"

"The data announced by the Vietnamese People's Army is that 3200 people were killed and 6600 were injured, with a total casualties of nearly

10000. However, the data reported to us and the Soviet Union by the Vietnamese People's Army is that the casualties are 46000. Comrade Zuo Quan and Comrade Chen Zhonghe reported to us that the casualties of the Vietnamese National Liberation Armed Forces were also very heavy.

More than 13000 trucks and more than 9000 motorcycles were destroyed.

"Although the Vietnamese People's Army and the Southern National Liberation Armed Forces captured many large and medium-sized cities during the Tet Offensive, they suffered heavy casualties and their morale was severely damaged. The Vietnamese People's Army has requested additional weapons and ammunition from China and the Soviet Union."

"What kind of a fight is this?"

Yang Quanwu curled his lips and said, "The South Vietnamese army is completely frightened and has no fighting spirit. There aren't many enemy troops in those so-called large and medium-sized cities, so there's no need to concentrate so many troops to attack them. And what would it matter if we took those large and medium-sized cities in Vietnam?"

Those cities are useless.

Vietnam is not an industrial country, and the so-called taking over of cities is just a publicity stunt.

For those so-called cities, 15 people were concentrated to attack them. Isn't this just being used as a target?

In just one month, the casualties exceeded 20,000. Considering the losses in other aspects such as logistics and transportation, the casualties are estimated to be even more serious.

The entire Vietnam People's Army only had a few trucks, and they lost more than 13000 in one fell swoop. How could the Vietnam People's Army afford such a waste?

"Didn't Comrade Zuo Quan and Comrade Chen Zhonghe stop them?

Yang Quanwu usually manages the work of the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense, so he doesn't know much about the intelligence of the Vietnam War and doesn't pay much attention to it.

I didn't expect the Vietnam War to turn out like this. Before, there had been good news one after another, all about where the Vietnamese People's Army had taken over and where they had advanced.

But why did they suddenly concentrate their forces to launch such a large-scale attack on the cities of South Vietnam when they were just conducting a good assault operation?

The US military is figuring out how to deal with the current unfavorable situation.

Who knew that the Vietnamese People's Army did not know how to play to its strengths but instead completely exposed its weaknesses to the US military.

Let the US military's air superiority be fully utilized.

"This was a plan jointly formulated by the Soviet Military Advisory Group and the Vietnamese People's Army Command. Although Comrade Zuo Quan and our military advisory group opposed it, the Vietnamese People's Army still carried out this offensive.

Deputy Chief of General Staff Li Tianyou replied.

"What about Vietnam's anti-aircraft artillery units? I remember that the Soviet Union equipped Vietnam with a lot of anti-aircraft artillery units.

Marshal Ye spoke.

Deng Guodao said: "The Vietnamese People's Army's rapid attack speed made it impossible for their anti-aircraft artillery to keep up. Moreover, most of the anti-aircraft artillery units were not assigned to field troops, but were mainly used to protect some important facilities and transportation lines. The Vietnamese People's Army decided too hastily to launch an all-out attack on the city and was not well prepared for such a large-scale bombing by the US military."

The Soviet Union helped Vietnam form 10 anti-aircraft artillery regiments and 40 independent anti-aircraft artillery battalions.

Vietnam was very arrogant at the time, thinking that so many anti-aircraft artillery units were sufficient. However, after the war, they found that these anti-aircraft artillery units were not enough to be used on the battlefield.

The United States' air power was far greater than the Vietnamese initially imagined. Mobilizing U.S. Army troops was not easy. Three months after the Vietnam War erupted, only 33000 U.S. Army troops had entered Vietnam, primarily within the Saigon perimeter. These troops were deployed from several U.S. military bases in Asia.

But the number of deployed aircraft has grown at an alarming rate. All types of combat aircraft, including bombers, attack helicopters, reconnaissance aircraft, and transport aircraft, have already totaled over 3200.

Thailand and Taiwan both concentrated a large number of aircraft, and seven aircraft carriers joined the bombing of Vietnam.

Therefore, in order to protect important facilities and important transportation lines, Vietnam's anti-aircraft artillery units were deployed in this area.

For such a large-scale siege, the Vietnamese field forces had almost no anti-aircraft artillery to support them. Even if they had anti-aircraft artillery, they wouldn't have blindly concentrated their forces to attack the city, but it wouldn't have been so disastrous.

"What's the current situation with the Vietnamese People's Army?

Are we no longer able to advance, or should we continue the attack?"

Wei Hongjun asked.

Vietnam must win, as this not only affects the development of the international communist movement, but also the future development of China's southwest region.

Originally, Wei Hongjun hoped that the Vietnamese People's Army would quickly eliminate the South Vietnamese regime and complete the unification of Vietnam. Then, Vietnam could concentrate all its forces to fight the US military, which was unwilling to accept defeat, in Cambodia and Thailand.

This would likely make Cambodia and Thailand the main battlefields in Indochina, using this opportunity to communistize Laos and Burma, and ultimately Cambodia and Thailand. They would then begin to intimidate Malaysia, control Malacca, influence Indonesia's domestic situation, and support the Indonesian Communist Party.

To turn Southeast Asia into a communist country is better than being controlled by the United States, no matter how the relationship with China changes in the future.

But looking at the current situation, the Vietnamese People's Army and the Soviet Military Advisory Group prefer to capture cities and territories, which will waste more time.

After a month of "Tet Offensive", time was wasted. The US military had already built a relatively complete defense circle in Saigon. Together with the US Navy, it was difficult for the Vietnamese People's Army to break through the Saigon defense circle.

It seems that Vietnam will still have to engage in a tug-of-war with the US military on its own soil, just as it did in history.