Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

They will not only be fined but also held legally responsible. Those who pay serious bribes will be classified as seriously violating the law.

They also need to be targeted.

However, completely lawless businesses will not be categorically condemned. This meeting stipulated that completely lawless businesses are enemies of New China, enemies that undermine the Chinese economy, and they must be dealt with as enemies. However, businesses that seriously violate the law are subject to less severe punishment than those that completely violate the law. Their punishment can be mitigated based on their attitude; as long as they actively repent and are willing to accept punishment.

The lower level cases are classified as minor bribery and are classified as lightly lawless businessmen.

The primary focus is on education, not legal or administrative action. Many businesses that offer bribes aren't motivated by profit from government agencies. Rather, they fear government suppression, so they resort to bribery in the hope that the government won't suppress their business. This is a habit they inherited from the old society.

Of course, another approach is to maintain a "friendly" relationship with government agencies, hoping that they can turn a blind eye to their business. This type of businessman is less guilty. Finally, there's passive bribery.

For these merchants, government departments will not only not punish them, but will also apologize and provide compensation. This is because they are not seeking bribes; they are simply victims of "bribery." Out of fear, they pay "protection money," just as in the old China. This group of people are primarily small vendors and small business owners, or, as they later termed, self-employed individuals. We must instill confidence in the new China and empower them to refuse unreasonable demands.

Bribery is aimed at businessmen, and accepting bribes is aimed at cadres.

The East China Bureau means that the handling of bribery can be more lenient, while the punishment for accepting bribes can be severe.

The final meeting decided that Zhan Tong would be the main person in charge of "anti-bribery and anti-corruption", and Ke Qingshi, member of the Standing Committee of the East China Bureau and Secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee, and Zeng Xisheng, member of the East China Bureau and Secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee, would cooperate with Zhan Tong in carrying out the work.

Among them, Zeng Xisheng is mainly responsible for "anti-bribery" work, and Ke Qingshi is responsible for "anti-bribery" work.

To put it bluntly, the task of dealing with the businessmen who bribed was assigned to Zeng Xisheng, while the task of dealing with the officials who accepted bribes was assigned to Ke Qingshi. The East China Bureau did not want Ke Qingshi to be in charge of this matter, but Ke Qingshi was, after all, a member of the East China Bureau's Standing Committee and the primary official currently responsible for the "Three Antis Movement." Under the current circumstances, it was impossible to exclude Ke Qingshi from the "Three Antis Movement" without a clear reason.

Besides, Ke Qingshi is currently in a relatively low period politically.

Despite Ke Qingshi's extensive experience, a close relationship with Chen Duxiu in his early years, and his visit to the Soviet Union to meet Lenin, he was a high-ranking CCP leader during the Great Revolution. However, after being exposed for his cunning tactics regarding his visit to Northeast China, he faced severe criticism during the Yan'an Rectification Movement. His wife, who had been married only a few years, even committed suicide by jumping into a well. He subsequently faced constant political repression. Had it not been for his outstanding performance in stabilizing cities like Shijiazhuang and Baoding after his appointment to the North China Bureau, he would not have been assigned to East China.

However, when he came to East China from North China, the central leadership sent a telegram to Rao Shushi and Chen Shuai, directly saying that Ke Qingshi was politically immature, saying that he "had shortcomings in uniting cadres and fulfilling work tasks", and hoped that the East China Bureau "would pay attention to provide assistance at any time."

But when Ke Qingshi came to East China, he handled the Nanjing issue very well.

Nanjing quickly stabilized under his management. He demonstrated superior urban management skills compared to other officials in the East China Bureau. At a time when East China was plagued by problems, Ke Qingshi's performance in Nanjing was truly remarkable. This is why Zhonghuan favored Ke Qingshi as Secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee.

Ke Qingshi had a peculiar temper, earning him the nickname "Weird Ke" in his twenties. Furthermore, Ke Qingshi had previously been advocating for the East China Bureau to "fight bribery and corruption." If you kicked him out now, given Ke Qingshi's personality, who knows what he might do. It's even possible that he would be enraged enough to file a report directly to the central government.

Cadres like Ke Qingshi are capable, but also feared.

Because I can't figure out his thoughts.

Although they couldn't completely expel Ke Qingshi, the East China Bureau had some options. They were worried that Ke Qingshi would kill those businessmen. So, instead of assigning Ke Qingshi to deal with the businessmen who bribed, they only assigned him to deal with the officials who accepted bribes.

The meeting also decided to launch a large-scale anti-opium campaign in East China. General Chen personally took the lead, with Tan Zhenlin in charge. Pan Hannian, Li Shiying, Guo Huaruo, and Liao Rongbiao formed the Anti-Opium Committee. The Social Affairs Department of the East China Bureau, its subordinate public security agencies, and the public security forces of the East China Military Region also participated. A crackdown on opium was launched throughout East China.

Two days later, the East China Bureau held a meeting.

Wei Hongjun attended the meeting.

The meeting focused on the issue of trade unions. The East China Bureau felt that after the founding of the People's Republic of China, the bureau had not paid enough attention to workers and that workers had too many problems with their work. Ultimately, they unanimously agreed that private enterprises should also have trade unions.

But the work of trade unions and the power of trade unions must change.

The East China Bureau considered the specific approach cautious. They suggested starting with some experiments in private enterprises. Once a trade union was established, its primary focus would be protecting workers' interests and supervising factory production. Wei Hongjun knew the East China Bureau still had many concerns.

It was only under Wei Hongjun's supervision that these efforts were advanced. After the meeting, each agency began to carry out its work according to the arrangements. Despite various problems, Wei Hongjun's work in East China officially began.

Wei Hongjun didn't know much about Zeng Xisheng, a famous cadre.

In my previous life, I'd only seen bits and pieces of information online. The most common reference to him online was that he was a key implementer of the "communist wind" during the Great Leap Forward, which led to a devastating situation in Anhui. He was primarily responsible for the problems in Anhui during the Great Leap Forward.

Another thing is that the "responsibility field" system he implemented in Anhui was criticized as "going it alone".

However, during this time of working together, Wei Hongjun really had a higher opinion of Zeng Xisheng. Zeng Xisheng was a cadre from the military and a key figure in the military intelligence field, especially in the field of radio.

After the Southern Anhui Incident, Zeng Xisheng arrived in Anhui to gather scattered cadres and soldiers. Later, he oversaw the establishment of the New Fourth Army's 7th Division, concurrently serving as Secretary of the CPC Wanjiang District Party Committee and developing the Wanjiang Anti-Japanese Base Area. Throughout this process, Zeng Xisheng made significant contributions to both the formation and development of the army and the development and expansion of the local base area. It was precisely because of his outstanding work that he earned the nickname "Rich 7th Division."

This time he is responsible for "anti-bribery" work.

He was very good at collecting data on Shanghai's industrialists and businessmen and classifying their bribery levels.

We will neither exaggerate the issue nor let it go easily if it needs to be dealt with.

He has a high level of work and strong skills.

Among the vast amount of documents, I can accurately find what I want. And I am very enthusiastic about my work. While reading and analyzing the materials, I also take time to personally check the actual situation.

Wei Hongjun couldn't believe how such an outstanding cadre like Zeng Xisheng could become a "communist wind" in history. Wei Hongjun would occasionally find time to chat with Zeng Xisheng about the situation in Anhui.

Unexpectedly, Zeng Xisheng had a very accurate understanding of the situation in Anhui.

He also has a very clear plan for Anhui's future development. There's no exaggeration in his words; they're all based on his understanding of Anhui. He's well-versed in Anhui's current situation, including its financial and agricultural conditions.

The issue Zeng Xisheng talked about most with Wei Hongjun was the agricultural development in Anhui.

Zeng Xisheng, a former military officer, possesses profound insights into agricultural development. Wei Hongjun could clearly sense his dedication to Anhui agriculture over the past year. This is why he possesses such insightful perspectives on the future of Anhui agriculture.

Wei Hongjun never imagined Zeng Xisheng would become one of the top leaders in that "communist" area. Looking at Zeng Xisheng, Wei Hongjun suddenly began to reflect on himself.

Zeng Xisheng, such an outstanding cadre, made such a serious mistake in Anhui. What caused his mistakes? Did he become complacent after his great success in Anhui? Or was it because all of China was complacent at the time, from the central government down to the local governments?

What about other cadres? What about yourself?

Wei Hongjun began to review his actions over the past few days, including some of the decisions he made during his time at the Central Committee. Were some of those decisions too subjective and out of touch with reality? Regardless, after several encounters with Zeng Xisheng, Wei Hongjun had a good impression of him.

This is a very capable cadre.

As the East China Bureau began to launch the "Three Antis" campaign on a large scale, Wei Hongjun also began to organize his work in East China and report to the Central Committee. At the same time, he raised some issues in the national "Three Antis" campaign. The first was the ban on smoking, stating that there was no large-scale anti-smoking campaign in the country at present.

As a result, opium is still being grown and sold in some places.

There are also many problems in the transportation sector.

Large quantities of opium were being shipped and transported openly into major cities. The fact that they were able to be transported so smoothly by ship and rail indicated a serious problem in these areas. The central government must urgently find a solution.

The second is the issue of bribery and corruption.

The serious problem of bribery in East China doesn't mean it's absent elsewhere. Wei Hongjun suggested that the "Three Antis Movement" should include "anti-bribery and anti-corruption." Bribery and embezzlement must be treated on the same level.

The third is to take advantage of the current "Three Antis Movement" to complete the property registration of party members and cadres as soon as possible across the country.

The Central Committee's Compilation and Establishment Commission is responsible for the cadre statistics of the Central Committee, the Central People's Government, the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, and the State Council. The provincial and municipal compilation and establishment commissions are responsible for the statistics of their respective provinces and cities. As for the situation in the counties, we will have to wait and see.

The compilation committee currently lacks human and material resources. Once the property statistics for cadres at the municipal level and above are completed, we can then focus on the statistics for county-level cadres. Wei Hongjun is actually quite anxious. Now is the perfect time.

The Compilation Committee is almost done with cadre grading. Once this is complete, wage reform will follow. Wei Hongjun must complete property registration before the final grading and wage reform.

The fourth is the issue of trade unions in private enterprises.

Wei Hongjun didn't shy away from any contradictions or sensitive topics. Instead, he wrote directly: "After the founding of the People's Republic of China, due to the laxity of workers' work at all levels, our party's influence among workers in private enterprises declined significantly. As a result, we became the scapegoat for the capitalists, and the workers' struggle against the capitalists turned into a confrontation between the workers and us."

"Furthermore, after liberation, we did not do enough to educate our cadres, nor did we do enough to educate the masses. Therefore, when certain disputes arose at work, the masses treated us the same way they treated the Kuomintang, and our cadres also treated us in a similar way to the Kuomintang treated workers. Some of our cadres were polite and courteous to capitalists, as if this would show that our party and army were civilized. However, when facing the working class, they turned a blind eye to the suffering of the working class, ignored the voices of the working class, and even did not allow the working class to speak out, with a serious bureaucratic style. Under this bureaucracy, the contradictions between cadres and the masses increased sharply, which in turn made the capitalists next to them laugh at them. Moreover, some capitalists incited workers to confront our government. In the end, the government even had to bow down and coax the capitalists into resolving the workers' unrest. The end result was that both the government and the workers suffered, with the capitalists profiting. The capitalists first exploited the workers, forcing the government to make concessions and grant them more favorable policies, including loans, orders, and tax reductions. Then, the capitalists used the government to suppress the workers and reduce their benefits. This situation ultimately stems from the fact that after liberation, we lost the workers' front and forgot our reliance on the working class in the cities. The most obvious manifestation of this loss of the workers' front is the current failure of many private enterprises to establish effective trade unions.

If he hadn't come to Shanghai, Wei Hongjun would never have imagined that the cadres in the early days of the People's Republic of China had such divergent attitudes toward capitalists and workers. After all, our party is a party of the worker-peasant alliance.

Wei Hongjun followed Ke Qingshi around.

I agree with some of Ke Qingshi's remarks. He mocked certain cadres and was terrified of public opinion. He feared that some would label CCP cadres "peasants," only knowing how to fight but not how to govern. Therefore, after entering the city, they were eager to transform themselves into intellectuals.

Because they were afraid of being ridiculed by capitalists and intellectuals.

So he always appeared humble when facing them. But when facing the workers, he immediately put on a completely different face. Ke Qingshi complained to Wei Hongjun several times, saying that after liberation, many cadres were no longer down-to-earth.

Start to be superior.

They forgot that the main force of the revolution is the worker-peasant alliance.

Wei Hongjun polished some of Ke Qingshi's complaints and added them to the report, which he then sent to the Central Committee.

Wei Hongjun knew he wouldn't be in East China for long. At most, it would be a month, and at most, two months, before he would return to the Central Committee to face his mission. Therefore, Wei Hongjun cherished every minute of his time in East China.

812 Ke Qingshi's Thoughts on the Development of East China

Wei Hongjun was the supervisor, but he did not take action himself.

So I mainly followed Ke Qingshi and Zeng Xisheng. Ke Qingshi was the Secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee, but after he took charge of the "Three Antis Movement" in East China, he spent most of his time in Shanghai because the center of the "Three Antis Movement" in East China was Shanghai.

As long as the "Three Antis Movement" in Shanghai could proceed smoothly, there would not be too many problems with the "Three Antis Movement" in other places. Although Ke Qingshi was currently under political suppression.

But his level is still very high.

After all, he was a member of the Standing Committee of the East China Bureau. However, since he came to Shanghai, he did not live in the house arranged for him by the East China Bureau and the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee, but instead chose to settle down in a place where workers gathered.

The Shanghai Municipal Party Committee contacted Ke Qingshi several times, but failed to persuade him. Even the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee's Social Affairs Department told Ke Qingshi that although Shanghai had been liberated for over a year, there were still many spies in the city, making his protection work difficult.

But Ke Qingshi still did not move out.

Many officials in the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee were dissatisfied with Ke Qingshi. "Who are you pretending to be like this for? You're just trying to win attention."

It makes you look simple.

But Ke Qingshi was a cadre who followed his own way and didn't care about what others thought. After Wei Hongjun arrived in Shanghai, his housing was arranged by the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee. Therefore, Ke Qingshi's eccentric behavior was not without criticism.

However, after coming into contact with Ke Qingshi, Wei Hongjun changed his mind. Ke Qingshi was not just putting on a political show.

This person is really simple.

Wei Hongjun had dined at Ke Qingshi's house for work, and he ate simply. Later, after asking other people, I learned that if he was alone, he would only have a plate of vegetables and a bowl of rice. He would never add more dishes for himself.

Compared to his level, it is really simple.

This was completely different from the previous dinner invited by the East China Bureau and the Shanghai Municipal Committee to Wei Hongjun.

He also enjoyed chatting with the workers around him. Wei Hongjun also attended and found that he got along very well with the workers. He seemed to be chatting with the workers, including about daily life. However, Wei Hongjun had been working in the army, rural areas, and the Party Committee for many years.

I immediately understood what Ke Qingshi wanted to do.

He seemed to be discussing trivial matters with the workers, but through these conversations he was gaining insights into the conditions of Shanghai factories and workers, and even, from another perspective, the Shanghai economy. Ke Qingshi had a rather bad temper when he was working.

He is also very strict with the cadres below.

Officials who worked with Ke Qingshi all described him as terrifying and abusive. Wei Hongjun, who also worked with Ke Qingshi, had witnessed his temper. If he got stubborn, he would scold not only his own staff but also the officials above him.

But when chatting with the workers, he showed no sign of temper. While the workers knew Ke Qingshi was a cadre, they weren't sure exactly what kind of cadre he was. Because Ke Qingshi mingled so well with the workers, many simply called him "Old Ke." Some even sat next to him, their arms around his shoulders.

But Ke Qingshi didn't care at all.

Chat with them happily.

Ke Qingshi is currently forty-seven years old, but he has a hunched back and a lot of white hair. He dresses very simply, so from a distance he looks like an old man in the alley.

It was almost time for dinner when Ke Qingshi finally ended his conversation. Wei Hongjun and Ke Qingshi continued walking and chatting. Wei Hongjun had been in contact with Ke Qingshi for some time and had discovered that he really enjoyed discussing certain issues while walking.

"Comrade Wei Hongjun, Shanghai has a strong industrial base, a large number of educated young people, and the quality of its workers is among the best in the country." "I see."

Wei Hongjun nodded.

Wei Hongjun agreed with this point.

Looking at the current national situation, Northeast China has the strongest industrial base. It was spared the destruction by the Soviets, as it had been historically. While the Nationalist army attempted to destroy it, they were short-lived and didn't have the time to do much damage. Therefore, Northeast China, under the control of the People's Republic of China, still had a strong industrial base.