Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

That’s why the Central Committee asked Wei Hongjun to come.

Now that Wei Hongjun is demanding "anti-bribery and anti-acceptance of bribes," Chen Shuai has no compelling reason to object. Previously, the dinner was private, and Chen Shuai could have discussed the situation in East China for Wei Hongjun's reference. But now, at a meeting like this, "anti-bribery and anti-acceptance of bribes" is politically correct.

"I support Comrade Wei Hongjun's opinion." Ke Qingshi was very happy.

Since Wei Hongjun arrived in East China, he has been busy with research and has rarely expressed his views.

Now that Wei Hongjun's stance was clear, Ke Qingshi was greatly encouraged. He said, "In our work, we must have the courage to break the mold. We can't become overly cautious and confuse the main contradictions over a few minor issues. With the founding of New China, our Party members, cadres, and government workers are currently in a state of confusion. They don't know how to do their work. We must clearly explain to them what is right, what is against discipline, and what is against the law. Only when our cadre team is functioning properly can the subsequent revolutionary work proceed smoothly. If our cadre team is corrupt and degenerate, then our revolutionary work will inevitably fail. I think everyone should be clear about what is more important."

810 exchanges opinions with Mr. Tan

At the morning meeting, Wei Hongjun focused on drug control and the proposal to increase "anti-bribery and anti-corruption".

Although they were all "Three Antis" movements, the circumstances in each region were different. Consequently, the content of the "Three Antis" movement also varied. Despite some differing opinions, consensus was ultimately reached. However, those in East China remained deeply concerned about the impact on social stability and economic development.

After the morning meeting, Tan Zhenlin specifically found Wei Hongjun.

Chen Shuai hopes to exchange some ideas with Wei Hongjun privately, especially on the issue of "anti-bribery" to see how to reduce the turmoil.

It can not only combat "bribery", but also reduce the scope of the crackdown and stabilize industry and commerce in East China.

As the First Secretary of the East China Bureau, Chen Shuai couldn't directly address certain issues. Disagreeing directly with Wei Hongjun could easily lead to awkward situations for both parties, especially if they couldn't reach an agreement. Therefore, Chen Shuai wouldn't confront Wei Hongjun unless the two were at loggerheads over a matter of principle. As for other important officials, Zhan Tong and Wei Hongjun were longtime comrades and had a close personal relationship, but his own views were still unclear. In principle, he supported Wei Hongjun and believed in a campaign against bribery. However, from a practical perspective, he felt the need for drastic measures was limited. This left them in a state of ambivalence. Chen Shuai worried that Zhan Tong would gradually come to fully agree with Wei Hongjun's views.

As for Ke Qingshi, there is no need to say more.

This was a more radical cadre than Wei Hongjun, so Chen Shuai thought of Tan Zhenlin.

Tan Zhenlin was from Hunan, participated in the Autumn Harvest Uprising, and was a cadre who came from Jinggangshan.

But he later spent many years in Fujian, actively involved in the revolution. It's fair to say he was inseparable from the revolution in western Fujian. During the Seventh National Congress, Wei Hongjun even visited Tan Zhenlin in Yan'an. Tan Zhenlin was the political director of the Fourth Column of the Red Fourth Army, and Wei Hongjun was part of that unit. Furthermore, Tan Zhenlin was considered a genuine East China cadre.

After the Long March, Tan Zhenlin remained in the Central Soviet Area, primarily engaging in guerrilla warfare in Fujian. The preservation of the revolutionary spirit in western Fujian is inseparable from Tan Zhenlin, Deng Zhihui, and Zhang Dingcheng. Later, during the Anti-Japanese War and the Chinese Liberation War, Tan Zhenlin continued his revolutionary work in East China.

"Comrade Wei Hongjun, there are some problems in East China. But many of them are due to historical reasons."

Tan Zhenlin didn't even think about being polite with Wei Hongjun. He said directly, "You know the history of East China. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, cadres from the New Fourth Army formed the main force of East China's cadres. During the War of Liberation, East China's troops incorporated a large number of Nationalist troops. Speaking of which, of all the local central bureaus, only East China has been away from the central government for many years. In addition, East China has always been the core area of ​​Kuomintang rule, and our revolutionary struggle here has been extremely difficult. Therefore, we don't have the same ample time to train and educate cadres as we do in Northeast China and North China. Therefore, our cadres may have some problems grasping policy."

The cadres in East China, especially the vast majority of middle and lower-level cadres, cannot compare with the cadres in North China and Northeast China politically.

It's not even as good as Central, South and Southwest China.

This was primarily due to the fact that the Central Committee remained distant from the central government for a long period after the Long March. After the outbreak of the Anti-Japanese War, the New Fourth Army was again under the leadership of the Yangtze River Bureau. Its relationship with Yan'an was not as close as one might imagine. Many cadres were influenced by Wang Ming's policy at the time.

Why Chen Shuai is deeply trusted by the Central Committee.

This was because General Chen was the one who truly implemented the Central Committee's spirit in the New Fourth Army at that time, and boldly established a base behind enemy lines. Even when conflicts arose with the Kuomintang's stubborn troops, General Chen was able to fight them with reason, advantage, and control.

Moreover, East China is too close to the enemy's ruling center. There are wars every day.

Survival comes first.

Unlike the northern regions, there wasn't enough time to train cadres on a large scale. Furthermore, to survive, many cadres had varying degrees of connections with local powerful factions. During wartime, gaining support from these powerful factions was a significant benefit to the development of the New Fourth Army and the East China Forces.

But the war is over, and now we have entered the stage of economic construction.

This relationship began to become a burden.

"Poor grasp of policy is a major problem facing East China cadres right now. After the Battle of the River Crossing alone, East China experienced numerous problems due to poor grasp of policy. You're aware of this." "Yes."

After the Yangtze River Crossing Campaign, the Central Committee singled out the East China Bureau for criticism, apart from the South China Bureau for its localism. This was because the East China Bureau had many problems in its work.

One reason was that after the East China Army crossed the river and took control of the city, they dismissed a large number of old government employees. These people, suddenly out of work, began to unite and become hostile to the new China. Furthermore, they all had connections in the local area. As a result, the entire city was initially in chaos, and the takeover of the city presented numerous problems.

After the outbreak of the Liberation War, the CCP took over so many cities.

The area with the most mistakes is East China.

North China has the fewest problems.

Because Huabei had ample experience in urban takeovers and a sufficient cadre pool, they provided several months of training before entering the cities, allowing them to understand cities and learn about urban management. Furthermore, to maintain urban stability, they retained the old government staff, adopting a "takeover first, then reorganize" approach.

First stabilize the urban order, and then educate and rectify these old government workers.

So the city takeover went very smoothly.

However, the takeover of cities in East China was a complete mess, with major problems emerging in several key cities. Further infuriating the central government was the indiscriminate dismissal of former government staff without job placement, leading many to be recruited by Kuomintang secret services and becoming spies. Leveraging their long-standing connections in the cities, these agents flourished in the cities.

As a result, the work of the Ministry of Social Affairs has become much more difficult.

In response to this situation, the Central Committee criticized the East China Bureau. It demanded that all regions across the country follow the North China Bureau's takeover plan, adopting a comprehensive takeover strategy while retaining the old government staff. Then, they would conduct rectification and education to complete the transformation of the old government staff and transition them into new government personnel.

In fact, the current "Three Antis Movement" is both a rectification movement within the Party and a major screening of these old government officials, because the country has basically stabilized.

Order in the city was also restored.

Therefore, a major overhaul of these old government staff could be carried out. Qualified personnel would continue to work for the new government, while unqualified personnel would be eliminated. The East China Bureau's second major blunder occurred in Zhejiang.

After the Yangtze River Crossing Campaign, the People's Liberation Army crushed the enemy with overwhelming force. A large number of Nationalist troops surrendered in full formation. By this time, the East China Army had already absorbed many of the Nationalist Army's elite units, making it a formidable force. Therefore, after crossing the Yangtze River, they looked down upon the surrendering Nationalist troops. As a result, they released all of them, including those captured, without any screening.

Tell them to get lost.

As a result, these released KMT officers and soldiers killed and looted everywhere they went in Zhejiang, causing widespread resentment among the people of Zhejiang. Zhejiang was the hometown of Chiang Kai-shek and many senior KMT officials, so the area was home to various spy organizations and numerous KMT organizations.

They are worried about not having enough manpower.

These released nationalist officers and soldiers rejoined the Kuomintang secret service and accepted Taiwan's leadership.

As a result, the number of bandits led by the Kuomintang in the entire Zhejiang region reached hundreds of thousands, many of whom were released Kuomintang officers and soldiers. The East China Bureau had no choice but to urgently dispatch Tan Zhenlin to Zhejiang to take full charge of the bandit suppression work.

This incident also made the Central Committee and the Military Commission very angry. The entire army was criticized.

All troops were required to take this as a warning. Captured Kuomintang officers and soldiers could not simply be released. They must be carefully screened and counted before being released. The third time the central government criticized them was over the land reform issue.

The East China Bureau's land reform efforts, like those of the South China Branch, failed to mobilize the masses. They simply focused on completing the land redistribution process. Consequently, Tan Zhenlin was singled out for criticism by the Central Committee, as he was in charge of land reform in East China. The Central Committee believed that many cadres in East China had problems understanding and implementing policies.

Wei Hongjun was silent.

What Tan Zhenlin said makes a lot of sense.

Many cadres from the military in East China tend to be rather crude in their work style. Local cadres, like those from other regions, have inextricable ties to their local communities. This puts many constraints on their work. Yet, these cadres are needed to carry out the specific tasks.

"Secretary Tan, if you have anything to say, just say it directly."

Tan Zhenlin paused and said, "Comrade Wei Hongjun, you've worked with Comrade Ke Qingshi before. You should know that Comrade Ke Qingshi has a tough work style. When he was working in Nanjing, this work style was very effective in solving the problems left over from the old society. Nanjing quickly stabilized under his leadership, and his work performance was excellent. But if he were in Shanghai, we would be very worried that Shanghai's industry and commerce would be hit hard."

Wei Hongjun immediately understood what Tan Zhenlin meant.

Chen Shuai and Tan Zhenlin were both worried about Shanghai's industry and commerce.

They were all worried that if Wei Hongjun chose Ke Qingshi to lead the "anti-bribery and anti-corruption" effort, then Ke Qingshi's style would sweep through Shanghai's industrialists and businessmen. This was not what they wanted. In fact, Wei Hongjun did consider choosing Ke Qingshi.

Although Ke Qingshi does have a bad temper and a stubborn personality.

But his ability is undeniable. If Ke Qingshi can lead the anti-bribery and anti-corruption work in East China and stabilize the situation in East China, it will require a high level of ability from Ke Qingshi and will also be a huge challenge to his political career.

But Wei Hongjun saw it.

Chen Shuai and Tan Zhenlin, or other leaders of the East China Bureau, were unwilling to let Ke Qingshi be responsible for this matter.

Wei Hongjun came to East China to supervise the "Three Antis" campaign, not to interfere with the East China Bureau's work or to cause a falling out with it. Therefore, the East China Bureau's opinions needed to be respected. Wei Hongjun thought for a moment and asked, "What does Secretary Tan mean?"

"General Manager Chen and I think that Secretary Zhan Tong and Comrade Zeng Xisheng should be responsible for the work of 'anti-bribery and anti-corruption'. What do you think?" Wei Hongjun thought for a while.

Suddenly he asked: "Didn't the Central Committee formally approve the merger of the Northern Anhui District Committee and the Southern Anhui District Committee to form the Anhui Provincial Committee? I heard that the East China Bureau reported that Comrade Zeng Xisheng would be the Secretary of the Anhui Provincial Committee? Can he spare the time to be responsible for this matter now?" At the beginning, the East China Bureau was under the jurisdiction of Shandong, Northern Jiangsu, Southern Jiangsu, Northern Anhui, Southern Anhui, Zhejiang, and Shanghai.

However, not long ago, northern Jiangsu and southern Jiangsu merged to form Jiangsu Province, with Ke Qingshi as the Party Secretary of Jiangsu. Subsequently, the Central Committee approved the merger of northern and southern Anhui to form the new Anhui Province. Zeng Xisheng, the former Party Secretary of northern Anhui, was nominated as the new Party Secretary of Anhui.

Tan Zhenlin nodded.

He said, "Comrade Zeng Xisheng will serve as secretary of the newly established Anhui Provincial Committee, with Comrades Niu Shucai, Huang Yan, and Lu Weisheng serving as deputy secretaries. The Anhui Provincial People's Government has been established, with Comrade Niu Shucai serving as chairman and Comrades Huang Yan and Lu Weisheng serving as vice chairmen. The East China Military Region is preparing to report to the Central Military Commission. Comrade Feng Mulin will serve as commander of the Anhui Provincial Military Region, Comrade Zeng Xisheng as first political commissar, Comrade Lu Weisheng as second political commissar, and Comrade Huang Yan as third political commissar. Comrade Zeng Xisheng will preside over anti-bribery and anti-corruption efforts. The work of the Anhui Provincial Committee can be temporarily handed over to Comrade Niu Shucai, which will not delay the work of the Anhui Provincial Committee."

Wei Hongjun frowned and looked at Tan Zhenlin.

When the Southern Anhui District Committee and the Southern Anhui Military Region were first established, they were reorganized from the 20rd Army of the 73th Corps from North China and the First Column of Cadres from North China heading south. With the merger of Northern and Southern Anhui into Anhui Province, the cadres from Southern Anhui received very good positions.

Niu Shucai served as the Chairman of the Anhui Provincial People's Government, effectively the Governor of Anhui Province. Feng Mulin served as the Commander of the Anhui Provincial Military Region. Neither Feng Mulin, Niu Shucai, nor Lu Weisheng were native East China officials.

But with the establishment of Anhui Province, they all moved up a level.

Wei Hongjun worried that the East China Bureau was trying to negotiate a deal with him, offering a prominent position in Anhui Province in exchange for Wei Hongjun's concessions on certain issues. Among them were Feng Mulin, a former commander of the Chahar North Detachment of the Eighth Column; Lu Weisheng, a student trained by Wei Hongjun during the "Grievance Movement"; and Niu Shucai, a cadre in Yang Quanwu's division. After the Eighth Column captured Zhangjiakou and faced a shortage of cadres, they moved to Chahar. He remained there, having served as Deputy Secretary of the Chahar Provincial Party Committee, Vice President of the North China Party School, and Deputy Director of the North China Organization Department before moving south, working under Wei Hongjun.

Not only were the three of them born as cadres of the North China Bureau, but they also had deep ties with Wei Hongjun.

Tan Zhenlin's words made Wei Hongjun think too much.

Tan Zhenlin is a veteran in politics.

Seeing Wei Hongjun's look, I knew what he was thinking. But he didn't say anything else, just a simple explanation: "In the past year or so, the land reform work and the bandit suppression work in southern Anhui have been done very well. In our Eastern Bureau, they are all at the forefront. And not only did they do their own work well, the Southern Anhui Military Region also helped Zhejiang suppress the bandits, and the two sides cooperated very well.

The Central Committee also recognized the work achievements of Southern Anhui.”

Although Tan Zhenlin explained, Wei Hongjun still felt a little uncomfortable.

However, Wei Hongjun did not point it out.

Wei Hongjun will not give up on the work he should do because of this factor.

So he changed the subject: "Secretary Tan, the East China Bureau must make a firm decision on the issue of unions in private enterprises. The status and tasks of unions in private enterprises must have changed compared to the old society. They can no longer be primarily focused on struggle as before. But no matter what, we must still have workers' organizations wherever there are workers. Many cadres in the East China Bureau come from the labor movement and should be very familiar with this area."

The trade union issues of the East China Bureau were not under Wei Hongjun's jurisdiction.

But Wei Hongjun is a central cadre after all.

You can still recommend it to the East China Bureau.

Besides, Wei Hongjun could always report what he saw in East China to the Central Committee, so his suggestion was still very valuable. Tan Zhenlin understood that although it was just a suggestion, combined with his own previous suggestions, Wei Hongjun was trying to reach some tacit understanding with the East China Bureau.

If the East China Bureau remained ambiguous on the union issue, then Wei Hongjun would inevitably make a big move on the issue of "anti-bribery and anti-corruption." So Tan Zhenlin nodded.

He said: "After the founding of New China, our East China Bureau has neglected a lot in this regard. This is mainly because too much energy has been spent on stabilizing the situation in East China. The East China Bureau will hold a meeting to discuss this issue specifically." Neither of them gave a definite answer.

But they have already exchanged ideas with each other.

811 Smooth

After Wei Hongjun and Tan Zhenlin exchanged ideas with each other, the meeting the next day went much more smoothly.

This time, Chen Shuai and Tan Zhenlin expressed positive support for Wei Hongjun's "anti-bribery and anti-acceptance of bribery" campaign. The meeting formally confirmed the addition of "anti-bribery and anti-acceptance of bribery" to the East China Three Antis Campaign, distinguishing between bribery and accepting, with bribery categorized as severe, serious, relatively serious, minor, and passive.

This classification is based on the amount of the bribe and the benefits gained from it. Of course, public opinion and the loss of state property must also be considered. Serious and serious bribery will be severely punished.

This type of businessman is classified as completely lawless.

For this type of businessmen, we should not only investigate their bribery, but also their company's business operations. Is there any tax evasion?

Is there any behavior of defrauding state property?

The practice of cutting costs, etc.