Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

In order to confront the imperialist camp led by Britain, the United States and France, the Soviet Union needed China.

"Malenkov, Mikoyan, go and talk to Comrade Li Desheng in the next few days. Our two countries should sign a comprehensive mutual assistance agreement." The passivity of the Berlin crisis made Stalin a little anxious.

At this stage, establishing an alliance with China is a good opportunity for the Soviet Union to strengthen its influence.

Stalin's villa.

The Chairman's mood brightened when he heard Malenkov and Mikoyan express through Wang Jiaxiang their intention to visit tomorrow to discuss the Sino-Soviet Mutual Assistance Treaty. The Chairman immediately guessed Stalin's thoughts.

The Soviet Union had originally been the first to intervene during the Berlin Crisis, but now it was on the defensive. Furthermore, the Soviet Union had suffered a crushing moral defeat. After all, the Soviets had besieged West Berlin by sea, threatening the lives of 250 million West Berliners to force concessions from Britain and the United States. If that had been the case, there wouldn't have been much of a problem.

If Britain and the US make concessions, it won't be a big deal. The victor has the right to defend himself. But look at Britain and the US.

Not only did they not give in, they also opened up an air corridor and used air transport to feed the 250 million people in West Berlin. This made the Soviet Union criticized in all aspects.

After World War II, the Soviet Union still had considerable influence in Europe, particularly among the European working class. However, with this sudden change, the Soviet Union's standing in the eyes of the European people plummeted. Even some of its allies believed that the Soviet Union had acted inappropriately.

So now the Soviet Union needs to give its allies a shot in the arm.

It just happened to bring China into the Soviet camp.

Telegram to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China: Sino-Soviet negotiations are about to reach a turning point. The Politburo should discuss and draft the specific terms of the treaty as soon as possible. Comrade Wu Hao should be prepared to come to the Soviet Union for detailed negotiations. The State Council and the Military Commission should both quickly draft the details of the cooperation. The Chairman's negotiations with the Soviet side are about the general direction.

The specific terms still require Comrade Wu Hao and other comrades to come and negotiate. After sending the telegram to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the Chairman once again recalled Wei Hongjun's report. When Wei Hongjun analyzed the US-Soviet Cold War, he judged that the US and the Soviet Union would inevitably clash in Europe.

It corresponds exactly to the current Berlin crisis.

However, Wei Hongjun judged that the conflict in Europe would not escalate into a military conflict. The real powder keg of the US-Soviet Cold War was on the Korean Peninsula. Wei Hongjun's report held a greater place in the Chairman's heart.

Chapter 777 Cooperation

The Chairman is a leader who is very good at seizing opportunities.

Ever since the Berlin Crisis, the Chairman knew that the Soviet Union needed a strong ally. Among the current socialist camp, only China could fulfill this role. Therefore, when Malenkov and Mikoyan arrived, the Chairman avoided many sensitive issues.

Chairman Mao chose to avoid the Outer Mongolia issue, as discussed in the Yalta Agreement, and the Outer Northeast and Outer Northwest issues in Sino-Soviet history. Chairman Mao was a romantic revolutionary, but not a naive one. He was well aware of the disparity in power between China and the Soviet Union.

It is clear that discussing these issues at this stage will only increase the rift between China and the Soviet Union and will be of no use. China will not be able to get these things back, and will also fall out with the powerful Soviet Union.

This is very unfavorable for China.

Since there was no use, the Chairman certainly would not discuss such useless topics. He even did not talk too much about the Dalian-Lushun issue, let alone being aggressive.

The Chairman and Malenkov mainly talked about the world Communist Party movement.

This included issues on the Korean Peninsula, Vietnam, Japan, India, and Indonesia, but was primarily concerned with the Chinese Communist Party movement in Asia. Although he did not discuss specific issues, the Chairman still made his point very clear.

First, China is a member of the socialist camp.

China's diplomacy was clear: it supported the socialist camp headed by the Soviet Union and the global Communist Party movement. China was willing to regard the Soviet Union as its "big brother" and to obey the overall interests of the socialist camp.

Second, China is willing to become the center of the Chinese Communist Party movement in Asia.

As long as the Soviet Union supported it, China would certainly cooperate with the Soviet-promoted CCP movement in Asia. In the Soviet Union's grand strategy, China was willing to be an ally of the Soviet Union and its right-hand man in Asia.

Because they did not discuss specific issues but mainly expressed their attitudes, the Chairman had a very pleasant conversation with Malenkov, Mikoyan and others.

This is what Stalin wanted.

Stalin wanted to promote the CCP movement from both the East and the West, ultimately controlling the Middle East, thereby completing the land hegemony of the Soviet Union and the socialist camp and driving out American influence in the Eurasian region.

As long as this grand strategy is completed, the Soviet Union can expand the world Chinese Communist movement to Africa, Europe and South America.

Therefore, Europe, the Middle East, and East Asia will become important places for competition between the Soviet Union and the United States.

In Europe, the Soviet Union personally engaged in a fight with Britain, the United States, and France. In the Middle East, the two countries temporarily shared common interests, which was to completely expel the British. However, in East Asia, the Soviet Union's strength and deterrence were limited, and it needed a major power to share the pressure.

These three-pronged attacks were the Soviet Union's future grand strategy.

China is very sensible.

Since Comrade Wu Hao's visit to the Soviet Union last year, he has expressed support for the Soviet Union. This time, Chairman Mao's visit to the Soviet Union was similarly humble, acknowledging the Soviet Union as a "big brother." Immediately after Chairman Mao's conversations with Malenkov and Mikoyan, the Soviet Union was the first to respond.

The promised 20 divisions of Soviet light weapons quickly began arriving in China by rail. The SG43 Goryunov heavy machine guns and RPG-2 recoilless rocket launchers, previously reluctant to be delivered to China, were also included in this shipment. Soviet military advisers also arrived in China to help China establish Soviet-equipped units.

The Soviet Union has agreed to transfer Soviet weapons and equipment for seven divisions to China within this year.

Meanwhile, Xu Xiangqian's negotiations with the Soviets yielded further results. The Soviets were willing to provide China with 15 anti-aircraft artillery regiments at a low price. Given China's current weakness in defense capabilities, the Soviets were willing to provide China with 10 regiments of anti-aircraft artillery within the year.

It can be regarded as the first step of goodwill.

Since the Soviet Union showed goodwill, China must of course reciprocate.

Soon after, Chairman Mao sent a telegram to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and issued a public statement in its name, publicly stating that China is a socialist country and a member of the socialist camp. It supports socialist countries led by the Soviet Union and supports the independence and liberation movements of countries and nations around the world.

In fact, it is to expose the "one-sided" foreign policy of New China.

Although China's foreign policy had previously leaned towards the Soviet Union, it had not been so clear-cut. But this time it was clear that China supported the Soviet Union and the Soviet Union was China's big brother.

China's attitude pleased the Soviet Union, which was currently mired in the Berlin Crisis. However, countries like Britain and the United States were very dissatisfied with China's choice, even though they had guessed that China would most likely side with the Soviet Union.

But I didn't expect it to be so soon.

It has only been two months since the founding of New China.

After the CPC Central Committee issued its statement, Stalin and Chairman Mao met for the second time. This time, the two discussed more, unlike the first meeting, which was merely a test of each other.

We talked about the situation in Europe, then the situation in East Asia, and then the Southeast Asian issues, African issues, Middle East issues, and so on.

Neither of them discussed specific issues.

But the two people talked about the general direction, grand strategy, and world issues.

In the end, both Comrade Stalin and Chairman Mao affirmed that China and the Soviet Union shared strategic unity. Although some contradictions existed, these could not obscure their strategic unity. After their second meeting, Comrade Stalin expressed his willingness to sign a new alliance treaty with China and agreed to the Premier's visit to the Soviet Union for detailed negotiations.

After the Chairman returned, he immediately sent a telegram to the Central Committee.

Asked the Prime Minister to come to the Soviet Union with a delegation.

This time, the negotiations with the Soviet Union were not simple negotiations. They involved politics, military affairs, industry, and loans. Therefore, the Chairman requested that the Premier serve as the chief representative and bring along cadres from these departments.

This cooperation is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for New China.

If it weren't for the outbreak of the Berlin Crisis, China would have had a hard time getting such a good negotiation opportunity. Chairman Mao had been following the Berlin Crisis in the Soviet Union and, seeing that it showed no signs of easing, he understood that this cooperation was a done deal.

Of course, the Chairman was also worried about complications.

Mainly because they were worried that the Berlin Crisis would end quickly, they sent a telegram to the CPC Central Committee demanding that the Premier leave for the Soviet Union within ten days.

After receiving the telegram, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China quickly convened an enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau, chaired by Ren Peiguo, to discuss the list of delegations to the Soviet Union. During this period, various departments of the State Council and local regions had made their own plans. In essence, each department of the State Council and each local region was vying for this opportunity.

They wanted the Soviet-aided projects to be established in their own areas.

But the gap is obvious.

North China and Northeast China, in particular, have ample experience in this area. When Comrade Wu Hao visited the Soviet Union last year, North China and Northeast China had already developed plans for this area. For example, the Baotou Iron and Steel Corporation, the expansion of the Fengman Hydropower Station, the establishment of the Guanting Reservoir, and the expansion of the Fushun Coal Mine were all coordinated by the North China and Northeast China Bureaus during Comrade Wu Hao's previous negotiations with the Soviet Union. Soviet experts have already arrived in China and are currently carrying out these projects.

But last time it was just a small-scale collaboration.

There are still a lot of projects that want to be built in Northeast and North China.

Therefore, upon hearing that the Soviet Union was still providing aid, North China and Northeast China reacted most quickly. The proposals submitted by Northeast China and North China included not only power plants, coal mines, and steel joint ventures, but also pharmaceutical companies, chemical companies, and machinery companies.

Moreover, the plans for Northeast China and North China are based on the actual conditions in Northeast China and North China.

It's not about blindly wanting this or that.

In this regard, the Central South Bureau, the East China Bureau, the Southwest Bureau, and the Northwest Bureau all lagged behind. This wasn't due to incompetence, but rather to the fact that many of them were newly liberated areas. Countering espionage, eliminating bandits, stabilizing finances, and carrying out land reform alone consumed the bulk of their attention. They simply couldn't compare to the older liberated areas of North China and Northeast China.

As a result, there was no time to consider this aspect.

It's all construction.

But suddenly, China and the Soviet Union were about to engage in negotiations on this matter, something they were completely unprepared for. The two old liberated areas of North China and Northeast China had already completed land reform, were less prone to banditry, and enjoyed better financial conditions than the newly liberated areas. Therefore, the current priority was construction, and the plans of the local regions were, of course, considered daily; the central government could not agree to all of them. With too many donors and too little resources, the precise number of Soviet-aided projects would require this negotiation. However, it was impossible to meet all the needs of the localities, so the central government needed to coordinate arrangements. However, as always, the central government's power was limited, and much work depended on the support of the local central bureaus and the regions.

Therefore, the plans of the local central bureaus and local regions are very important.

The options for Northeast China and North China are both highly feasible. When the central government makes its choice, it will definitely choose a highly feasible and well-prepared option.

For example, at the Baotou Iron and Steel Company, Soviet experts were very satisfied with the work done by North China after they arrived in China, as North China had already completed the survey of Baotou.

The specific location of iron ore deposits, estimated reserves, and exploration of surrounding coal mines and other auxiliary minerals were all fully prepared. Even the location where the steel company would be built was surveyed several times in North China for selection by Soviet experts.

Thanks to the extensive preliminary work, the work progressed very smoothly after the Soviet experts arrived. Although they had only been here a short time, they had already decided on the location of the steel plant. The North China Military Region's Infrastructure Engineering Corps arrived in Baotou early and began construction at the steel plant site at a rapid pace.

Seeing the tens of thousands of infrastructure engineering troops and the teams of workers coming from all directions, the Soviet experts expressed optimism that the Baotou Iron and Steel Company would be able to start production within four years.

This saves a lot of trouble.

So after some deleting and reducing, the State Council finally selected 77 projects, most of which were in North China and Northeast China. Of course, these projects might be increased or decreased during the final negotiations with the Soviet Union.

The Politburo finally selects the delegation list.

The Premier must go. Marshal Xu from the Military Commission is already in the Soviet Union, as this involves industrial aid and loans. The Finance and Economics Committee will also need someone. Currently, the Finance and Economics Committee members who can go to the Soviet Union are Chen Yun, Wei Hongjun, Li Fuchun, Bo Shuchun, and Zhou Bin.

However, Chen Yun was currently preoccupied with the fiscal deficit and was preparing to convene a national finance conference. Bo Shuchun, as the Minister of Finance, was also expected to attend. Wei Hongjun was concerned about the persistent land reform issues within the Central South Bureau. After Chen Tao had conducted over forty days of research in Guangdong, he had just submitted a report on land reform in Guangdong, which had also reached Wei Hongjun. Therefore, Wei Hongjun was to preside over a national land reform conference, with the land reform leaders from the East China, Central South, Southwest, and Northwest Bureaus all expected to attend.

This is a big deal.

The most important task at present in the newly liberated areas is the reform of the civil service.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun could not leave.

So when it came to the issue of Sino-Soviet loans, Zhou Bin, as a representative of the Finance and Economics Committee, accompanied the Premier to the Soviet Union.

Then there was Li Fuchun, who had just been transferred from the Northeast to the State Council.

The Central Committee is gradually transferring key cadres from local central bureaus to the central government to strengthen its ministries and commissions. Li Fuchun holds a long and high-ranking position within the Party. He was a senior CCP official during the Great Revolution and, during the Northern Expedition, served as Deputy Party Representative, Director of the Political Department, and Director of the Military Law Department of the Second Army. He is currently the second-in-command of the Northeast Bureau and has just been promoted to the Central Committee as Deputy Director of the Finance and Economics Committee and Minister of Heavy Industry. Chen Yun is no longer Minister of Heavy Industry.

The representatives sent by the Chinese Communist Party to the Soviet Union were all of high rank.

Currently in the Soviet Union are the Chairman, Marshal Xu, Wang Jiaxiang, Chen Boda, plus the Prime Minister, Li Fuchun, and Zhou Bin who are going to the Soviet Union this time.

On June 1948, 6, the Premier, Li Fuchun, Zhou Bin and others took a train to Moscow.

Chapter 778 Disputes in the Central and Southern Bureau

Before Wei Hongjun presided over the national land reform work conference, each local bureau held its own land reform work conference first.

After they finish the meeting, they will come to Beijing to convene the National Land Reform Conference.

Wuhan, Central South Bureau.

Deng Zhihui, the second secretary of the Central South Bureau and responsible for land reform work in the bureau, presided over a meeting on land reform work in the bureau. Leaders of land reform from seven provinces, namely Henan, Hubei, Hunan, Jiangxi, Fujian, Guangdong, and Guangxi, attended the meeting.

"Comrades, the land reform work of our Central South Bureau is currently proceeding at a very mediocre level, far from meeting the requirements of the Central Committee."

Deng Zhihui was not polite at all during the meeting.