Father of France

Chapter 51 For the Status of a Permanent Member of the Security Council

The first meeting was unexpectedly friendly, and Gasberry was indeed impressed by the common position of the Italian and French Communist Parties.

To be honest, Koeman thinks Italy's problems are more serious than France's. Apart from the fact that the Italian Communist Party is larger than the French Communist Party, Italy currently lacks someone like de Gaulle to contain the Italian Communist Party.

If the Soviet Union hadn't suffered heavy losses during the war, and if Koeman had been a Soviet citizen, his strategy for conquering Western Europe would certainly have started with Italy, a window of opportunity that could have lasted as long as ten years.

In the first local elections in 1946, the left wing won in most major cities such as Milan, Turin, Bologna, Genoa, Florence, Rome, and Naples, with Bologna even being called the "Red Window".

It was during the local elections in Italy that the United States realized that not giving money was not an option.

Even in Italy, a country where the Vatican wields significant influence, the Catholic Democratic Party couldn't defeat the Italian Communist Party. If they don't intervene soon, the Vatican will be surrounded by a country led by an atheist party.

The growing support for the Marshall Plan within the United States ultimately broke through the Republican Party's traditional policy of isolation, and the establishment of NATO was greatly accelerated.

The provisional government was not embroiled in the partisan struggles of the Fourth Republic. It was very concerned about France's status as a major power after the war. Before Germany's surrender, France did a lot of things, such as striving for a permanent seat on the Security Council, which it has not yet succeeded in.

Currently, only the United Kingdom supports France's inclusion as a permanent member of the Security Council since World War II.

The interim government's primary diplomatic objective is now to find supporters.

At the Italian Embassy in Rome, Koeman, together with Demville, developed the framework for the European Community, the precursor to the Franco-Italian Community, and proposed methods similar to many of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON) systems.

Since the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON) was never established, these suggestions were Koeman's original ideas. Even if COMECON were to be established in the future, it would be modeled after the European Community framework.

"Let's start with steel and coal." Koeman gave the initial breakthrough point for this Franco-Italian cooperation. Coal and steel were important raw materials for the Industrial Revolution, and relatively speaking, these were already abundant in Western Europe, a region with limited resources.

Western Europe's oil distribution is truly pitiful, almost as pitiful as that of a powerful and influential nation like India, a future superpower.

Although Koeman knew that Algeria had oil reserves, and even that western Libya, which he had occupied and expelled local tribes, had a considerable amount of oil, would all of that oil be enough for France's needs? It should be.

However, it certainly cannot meet the needs of the whole of Europe. There are only doubts about the oil in North Africa, but it has not been explored.

“Indeed, we still have a clear advantage over Italy.” Demville agreed. “Coordinating the industrial production of the two countries, while not entirely complementary, can solve some of the problems.”

“That’s right, Ambassador.” Koeman was proud of his plagiarism of the COMECON and the EC, which was a testament to his mastery of both Chinese and Western knowledge. “Although we are all in Europe, the countries are different in strength and development level. We also have the advantage of our African colonies.”

Just because they were all in Europe doesn't mean that all imperialist powers were on the same level. Britain initiated the Industrial Revolution, but it was only separated by the English Channel. France didn't achieve its Industrial Revolution until the time of Napoleon III, meaning it lagged behind by a full fifty years. Even by the time World War I broke out, the differences in strength between the powers were quite obvious; France's performance was already above par.

Fortunately, by this point, the foundations of the First Industrial Revolution in France and Italy were still quite solid, and the resource constraints on coal and steel were not significant.

Even during the difficult recovery phase, the interim government attached great importance to the concept of the Franco-Italian community.

After Demville reported on the openness of Italian Foreign Minister Gasberry, the provisional government quickly sent a high-ranking figure to Italy to visit, just as the Ardennes Offensive had been won, as a major diplomatic achievement for the provisional government.

The important figure who arrived was George Pidul, the provisional government's foreign minister. George Pidul arrived in a hurry, and his plane landed at Rome Airport. Demville and Koman went to greet him.

"I did not expect such a diplomatic achievement before my visit to Moscow."

Although Georges Pitoure arrived in a hurry, the joy on his face was still obvious. He said a few more words with great interest, "As long as this visit to Moscow is a complete success, there is no need to worry about France's post-war status."

Koeman kept his eyes down, not daring to interrupt the conversation between the Foreign Minister and the Ambassador, but he did not notice Georges Pidul, a prominent figure in the current interim government of de Gaulle and a long-time supporter.

He recalled that in the end, it was because of the Algerian War that de Gaulle finally relinquished power, Georges Pitoure and de Gaulle turned against each other, plotted several military coups, and he was eventually wanted by the authorities.

The group returned to the embassy together. Before formally contacting the Italian government, there were still some details to be finalized, and the embassy was obligated to assist the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

"This is a very good angle, and it's quite ironic that I'm about to visit Moscow."

Upon arriving at the embassy, ​​Georges Pidul naturally witnessed the Franco-Italian Community plan and inquired about several details. He then remarked with emotion, "I never imagined that one day we would have to depend on the Soviet Union."

"What is the purpose of the visit to Moscow?" Although Demville would serve as Prime Minister of France twenty years later, he was not yet a truly important figure at this time, and he arrived earlier; the diplomatic trip to Moscow was finalized after he left Paris.

"For the sake of great power status," Koeman casually reminded him. Logically, a young officer of his rank shouldn't have the right to speak. But knowing that remaining silent was futile was not Koeman's style. "Given Britain's strength, the League of Nations is certainly doomed. A new League of Nations-like organization will definitely move from Britain to the United States. And within this organization, France's position will require the help of other countries. Currently, three powers are certain: Britain, the United States, and the Soviet Union. Ideologically, the Soviet Union is the most difficult to manage; trust with the Soviet Union must be established."

“Indeed.” George Pidul said with a hint of appreciation in his eyes, “That is exactly what we want to achieve. However, we will definitely need to work hard to understand the attitude of the Soviet government. This world is so complicated. We have to worry about the pro-Soviet parties at home, and we also have to gain the trust of the Soviet Union.”

“Stalin… he was a very pragmatic leader who wouldn’t consider issues from an ideological perspective.” Koeman swallowed the word “secretary” and said, “This definitely requires France to demonstrate the responsibility of a great power. We can’t let the Soviet Union think that France is just a follower of the British, let alone a follower of Britain and the United States.”

(End of this chapter)