Father of France

Chapter 50 The United States also supports it.

If a Franco-Italian community can be formed, the European Community will have a precedent to follow.

Although I am not particularly talented, I have also been influenced by Modi's Mahayana philosophy of winning, and I believe that the French government will be even more confident in its future path of independence and autonomy.

Lefevere came to Koeman this time not to report on anything, but to bring Martin, who had already completed his mission. "I just arrived in Turin, and you're already going to Rome?"

“It’s all for the country,” Coman replied indifferently. “You can continue to follow up on the Catholic Church’s child molestation issue. After all, Lefebvre is handling this for the first time and doesn’t have much experience, while we have accumulated a lot of experience in Paris.”

“What can I say? You wouldn’t listen anyway.” Martin spread his hands helplessly. “You always have your own ideas, and no one can interfere. It’s just unfortunate that we comrades have to help you realize your ideas. Alain is acting all mysterious in Paris every day, and I’m here investigating religion. Sigh. I’m your friend, your best comrade.”

"I'll write your promotion report," Koman chuckled, but there was no hint of amusement in his eyes.

"The way you're talking makes it sound like I'm doing this for you." Martin looked hurt but kept talking. "When will you write it? Don't get me wrong, we comrades have higher ranks and can provide you with more help in the future. Don't you always say that there's strength in numbers?"

"After all I've said, do you only remember what's in your favor?" Koman sighed and rubbed his forehead. "I heard you traded a case of cigarettes for two female college students to keep you company. You're quite generous, but don't bring that kind of tobacco to Italy. It's ineffective and could easily cause trouble."

Martin's family was in the tobacco business in Damascus, so this was a novelty for them.

Koeman wasn't against his comrades enjoying the privileges of the victorious nations; he was only against the lack of money, arguing that German cigarettes, given Germany's defeat in the war, would be more valuable.

The Soviet Union and Germany were the biggest losers in this world war. Germany was bombed to the point that it resembled the surface of the moon. Martin cigarettes would have been worth hundreds of millions by then.

That evening, Martin brought out a few bottles of wine, and he and Coleman enjoyed a pleasant drink together. "I never imagined that cigarettes could be exchanged for the bodies of Italian students. War would have such an effect."

"If we want to prevent war from breaking out again, there is no other way but to build a strong army at all costs."

Koman, slightly drunk, said, "A powerful nation cannot have only a powerful military, but it is undeniable that most people in this world look at other countries primarily by their military strength."

Koman wasn't addicted to alcohol, and fell asleep in a daze, while Martin downed the rest of his drink before leaving.

By December, even Italy, with its Mediterranean climate, was far from warm. Unlike Germany, which was reduced to ruins, Italy was still desolate, even in its capital, Rome. In Rome, Koeman saw several Italian women holding hands with soldiers in American uniforms.

This situation also occurs in France, so it's not surprising that it happened in Italy. Without time to observe the real-life version of Malèna, Corman sat upright and got out of the car first upon arriving at the embassy. He then opened the car door for Ambassador Demville to get out. After a brief welcoming ceremony, the embassy immediately threw itself into its busy work.

Demville was clearly not satisfied with just being an ambassador to Italy. Having used the Italian ambassadorship as a stepping stone, he immediately got to work once he endorsed the Franco-Italian Community plan. He quickly contacted the Italian Foreign Minister Gasbery, who responded promptly.

Koeman believes the reason for the swift response is largely due to the presence of a significant number of French troops in Italy, and the fact that Sardinia is under French control. The current situation between the two countries is unequal; while France is somewhat weaker than Britain and the United States, it has become a stronger power in the face of Italy.

Gasberry wanted to know France's diplomatic attitude towards Italy, since Mussolini had indeed betrayed France during the French campaign, even though he gained nothing but humiliation.

Therefore, Gasberry took the initiative to visit the French embassy to welcome Demville's appointment as the first French ambassador after the de Gaulle provisional government.

Demville has thick hair and wears glasses, but he doesn't have the air of a scholar. On the contrary, he looks like a political strongman. If he were in a military uniform, he would be more Mussolini than Mussolini himself.

After a polite handshake with Gasberry, Demville got straight to the point, saying, "Germany's defeat was inevitable; it was just a matter of when. But I want to talk about the post-war situation."

Gasberry paused for a moment, then asked in return, "I heard that a French national outline was recently published in Paris? It seems they want to win over Latin countries and establish their own."

Gasberry was unaware that the author of the French National Program was standing right next to Demville, but Demville didn't forget and introduced him directly, "Corman is the author of the French National Program."

“Hello, Mr. Gasberry,” Coleman greeted politely, offering a compliment. “You are now in charge of the Kingdom of Italy’s foreign affairs. France and Italy are neighbors, and there are many issues between our two countries, but we also have a great deal of common interest.”

"In which aspect?" Gasberry asked reservedly. Although he was somewhat shocked by Koeman's young face, in diplomacy, there was always bargaining involved.
"The most similar thing between our two countries is that there are two powerful pro-Soviet parties in our country," Koeman said with a smile. "I stayed in Turin for a while and was very shocked by the rapid development of the Italian Communist Party. The last time I was so shocked was in Marseille."

Demville knew it was time to get down to business. "Mussolini is definitely a war criminal, and there's no strongman in Italian politics who can keep Togliatti in check. We have a plan to suppress the Italian Communist Party, but we need the same important feedback from the respected Mr. Gasbery, which would be best implemented in terms of European unity."

This suggestion was put forward by Koeman, one of the first European political figures after the war. They still wanted to reclaim the pre-war Eurocentric narrative, and even if they couldn't, they didn't want to be America's lackey. This is quite different from the ubiquitous "spiritual Americans" in European countries decades later.

Gasberry, the first post-war Italian prime minister, is considered one of the fathers of the European Union, along with Robert Schuman of France and Konrad Adenauer of Germany.

Gasberry didn't directly refuse, clearly weighing the pros and cons. Koeman added fuel to the fire, saying, "The US actually supports this idea too. Who would want their friend to just be a hindrance?"

In the early days of the European Community, the United States was happy to see it happen, since the Cold War was not a one-on-one confrontation between the US and the Soviet Union. As for later feeling that European unity was a threat, that was at least twenty years later.

Therefore, if the Americans knew about the current efforts to advance the European Community, they would likely agree with France's plan.

As for the other source of interference, Britain, which considers itself a superpower and an offshore balancer, it has no interest in forming alliances with countries on the European continent, which is perfect.

“If the United States really supports this, I am certainly willing to work for it.” Gasberry’s tone immediately became affirmative when he heard that the United States also thought so.

(End of this chapter)