Father of France

Chapter 5 Nobody is better to Syria than me
"Go on," Bitar said, noticing the other's hesitant expression. Though puzzled, he remained eager to learn.

“A neighborhood can have two gangs, but a gang can’t have two bosses.” Koeman glanced at Bitar and Afrak with a smile. “Don’t you two think your roles are conflicting? Does a party need two thinkers?”

“Warrant Lieutenant Koman, you’re trying to sow discord among us comrades.” Before Bitar could speak, Afrak couldn’t help but retort.

“Absolutely not,” Coman denied, adding, “I’m just stating the facts. Besides, after the Christians left, Mr. Afrac’s potential supporters are almost nonexistent.”

Although it may sound cruel and unfair to Avrak, that's the reality.

A future predominantly Muslim country, with its supreme leader being a Greek Orthodox Christian?

About twenty years later, Afraq was eventually stripped of power and forced into exile in Iraq.

The Iraqi Ba'ath Party had long been dissatisfied with the Ba'ath Party headquarters in Damascus and wanted to become independent. So, taking advantage of Afraq's exile, they formally broke away from the Ba'ath Party headquarters in Damascus and established the Iraqi Ba'ath Party.

From then on, the Ba'ath Party of Syria was divided into the right wing, dominated by the ideology of Bitar, and the Iraqi wing, which was nominally the left wing of the Ba'ath Party of Syria.

Afraq was merely a figurehead in Iraq. After the Iraqi Ba'ath Party successfully seceded from Damascus, Afraq became a figure with a high nominal status but no real power.

“Mr. Afraq, a party must have one leader, not two. I have noticed that your remarks are too idealistic, while Mr. Bitar’s thinking is more grounded in the actual situation in Syria. I believe you should have realized this in your usual interactions.”

Koeman calmly stated, "If two thinkers are in the same party, it will bring chaos to that party, and over time it will lead to infighting."

“We are friends, we share common ideals, we wouldn’t do that,” Bitar retorted. “I even suspect that Warrant Officer Koman doesn’t want Syria to be any better in the future.”

"Don't be so quick to explain." Koeman patted his thigh while holding the manuscript the two had written, emphasizing his tone. "Once upon a time, Trotsky and Stalin had a good relationship, didn't they? And then what happened? Didn't it end with Trotsky's ice axe? I'm not saying that this will happen to you. On the contrary, I hope to prevent such a situation from happening in the future. You can't just think of France as a colonial power. There are many other powerful countries in the world besides France."

"If a party has two thinkers, even if you can control them, can you control the other people in the party who unite supporters in the name of religion?"

Seeing that Bitar and Afraq remained silent, Koman shrugged and said, "It seems you've realized that not everyone can be selfless. Taking away Christians did reduce Syria's population, but it also avoided a major potential conflict, didn't it? And I still suggest that you two gentlemen think carefully about what you are better at, so that you can divide the work in the next step, instead of increasing your internal friction in one area."

In all honesty and conscience, Koeman truly meant well. Of course, from another perspective, if his good intentions were harmful to the other party, then they might not be good intentions at all.

But nothing is ever perfect. Instead of wasting your own time, it's better to shift the blame to others. Afrak was historically an exile who was driven out. He simply made the other party realize his true colors from the start. Perhaps that's a better approach.

Bitar opened his mouth. He knew that the French, represented by Coman, were trying to undermine Afrac's potential supporters by relocating the Christians, but to say it so openly? Was it? "You colonists are always so arrogant, thinking you can control everything," Bitar decided to say a few words in Afrac's defense.

“It’s a different perspective. Compared to people like you who lack a macro perspective, we are truly able to control the overall situation,” Koeman replied calmly.

"It's like when you built the Golan Heights defense line, and then the British attacked from another direction," Afrak said sarcastically, perhaps still angry about the hurt he had just suffered at the hands of Koeman. "It's just like the Maginot Line."

"The Maginot Line was incomplete due to the fiscal deficit, but it still served its purpose." Koeman was completely unfazed by this sarcastic remark. "As for the Golan Heights Line, it was indeed a meticulously constructed line by the Foreign Legion, complete with bunkers and tunnels. As for Afrak's claim that it was ineffective? The Golan Heights Line will definitely prove useful in the future."

Military issues are clearly beyond the scope of these two social activists or thinkers.

Was the Golan Heights defense line prepared for a British offensive? Of course not, it was clearly prepared for the establishment of Israel.

Syria, including Maronite Christians, has just over a million people. Even if you add Palestinians and some Iraqi Christians who reportedly came to the country to join the army under French citizenship, the total is less than two million.

With this population base, even if we manage to gather 250,000 soldiers, simply exploiting the local population wouldn't be enough.

The addition of the Alawites, Druzes, and a small number of Sunnis gave rise to the First French Army in North Africa and Italy.

After the war ends, the Alawites and Druze will certainly return to Syria, and these soldiers who participated in the war will become part of the Syrian military and police system. When Israel is established, these soldiers of the French First Army will likely need to test the reliability of their combat experience from the World War II.

To be fair, Koeman believed that his Syrian colony was very good, and according to his plan, Syria's territory was even larger, including Lebanon.

You can't have it both ways. For France right now, it's a choice between two options: protectorate or population. If it wants both, it might not get either. Only during a special period like a world war can France legitimately accomplish what it can't do in peacetime. Once the war ends, population migration? Migration my foot!

The silence was soon broken when Martin's footsteps came from the church entrance. He walked up to Koman, bent down, and whispered, "The Kurdish representative has arrived."

"Gentlemen, you may need some time to consider this. Let's end our meeting here." After hearing the whisper, Koeman smiled and dismissed the two activists.

He had no psychological burden and was more like a messenger relaying Free French policies. Barring any unforeseen circumstances, the two sides would not have another opportunity to meet before the end of the World War.

(End of this chapter)