Father of France

Chapter 4, look, it's urgent again.

Koman stood up and gestured for them to sit down on one side of the long corridor that stretched from the main entrance, facing the two leaders of the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party who were still relatively close at the moment but would part ways in the future.

The future Ba'ath Party of Arab Socialism seized power in two countries, Syria and Iraq, but these two regimes are hostile because they have different spiritual leaders. The spiritual leader of Syria is Salah al-Din al-Bitar, while the spiritual leader of Iraq is Michel al-Afraq.

Of course, at this time, the two were still very close, envisioning a bright future for the unity of Syria and even the Arab world. Koman had done his homework, holding the two books in his hand, and broke the silence by flipping through them. "Mr. Bitar, Mr. Afraq, this is our second meeting."

"Coman, I didn't expect you to be able to stand up for General Fontaine." Afrak paused for a moment and said slowly. It was indeed the second time they had met, but he didn't expect that even though Coman's father had passed away, he could still stand up for the current commander of French Syria.

“Both my father and General Fontan were pure military men, with little interest in political parties or the future political landscape of Syria.”

Koeman calmly explained, "If you're going to use someone, you should use them to the fullest. Does this principle need further explanation? To reiterate, the Governor's Office is genuinely not interested in the two men's proposals, otherwise your political activities would certainly be suppressed. But I believe you understand that this is not the case."

"Actually, we support the idea that a modern political party can bring prosperity to Syria after France leaves, especially since the two of them studied in Paris and, although their relationship with France is not very close, they still have some connection with it."

After Koman finished speaking with an indifferent expression, Bitar and Afrak fell silent. Although they were young, Koman had left a very good impression on them. During their last meeting, Koman had demonstrated that sincerity was the ultimate weapon. Unlike the usual colonists, Koman did not show false respect, but rather engaged in a sincere discussion with the two of them.

In fact, it was precisely because they had met before that General Fontaine entrusted the task of speaking with Bitar and Afrak to Koman, since they were acquaintances after all.

"Coman, about the issues after the French troops withdrew..." Afrac was impeccably dressed and dressed in a very Western style, because he was a member of the Antiochian Church of the Greek Orthodox Church.

"Let's skip that question," Koman said, shaking his head slightly. "The plan has been set and will be carried out. Moreover, after we leave, the Christians in Syria will leave at the same time as us. This was something that both sides agreed upon when General de Gaulle came to Damascus."

In any case, in the coming decades, Christians, who are a minority in the Middle East, will also leave due to the turbulent situation. Even if France took over Lebanon before leaving, it lost control of Lebanon because the Maronite population growth was not as fast as that of the Church of Peace. So it's better to leave decisively.

The reason why Christian denominations in Syria and the surrounding areas are eager to join the army is not solely due to Koman's PUA.

There are also the consequences of PUA. These Christians accept the claim that they are descendants of the Crusaders, but they also face the reckoning or at worst, suppression of the majority of the Syrian population after Syria's independence.

As a result, after de Gaulle's departure, French Syria began conscription. Maronite Christians had no choice but to enlist enthusiastically under the promise of citizenship. Otherwise, even with the addition of Palestinian and some Iraqi Christians from Syria and Lebanon, they wouldn't have been able to muster 250,000 soldiers. Of course, if the Alawites were included, the number would be more than 250,000. For France, the biggest problem at present is population; they are increasing France's population at all costs. Syrian Christians may have some issues, but they are currently the most suitable supplement.

This was something that both sides discussed when de Gaulle arrived in Damascus. The war wasn't actually the biggest problem; the biggest problem was what would happen to France after the war.

Christians in French Syria were able to solve some of France's problems, so we cannot stand by and watch this group fail to contribute.

For de Gaulle, who was then vying with General Giraud for control of the National Committee, such a confident tone, which assured the Central Powers of inevitable victory, was a huge boost to his morale.

The strong support from the French army in French Syria eventually made de Gaulle think deeply about this issue. By the following year, the Soviet-German front had entered a stalemate, and de Gaulle was certain that victory was inevitable. Before Koeman's father set off from Syria, de Gaulle had already figured it out and even decided where to settle these Syrian Christians.

Upon hearing this, Afrac immediately objected, "How is this any different from the triangular trade?"

"See, you're in a hurry again. Logically speaking, a colonial political activist of your caliber has no right to question France's decisions, but to satisfy your curiosity, I can tell you."

Coman glanced sideways at Afrac, seeing right through him. "I know you're a member of the Greek Orthodox Church and need supporters. But the Christians are clearly leaning towards France. No matter how much you try to persuade them, it's too late. Saint Maron is a French historical figure. In the Middle East, most peaceful believers have reservations about the history of the Crusades. Even if they don't now, it could easily lead to sectarian conflict if some forces instigate it in the future. This could happen not only to France, but also to Britain or even the Americans."

"Everyone is caught in the tide of the times, and people like you, Afrak, have risen to the forefront through your own efforts or luck. The forefront is full of glory and temptations; it all depends on how you seize the opportunity."

In a sense, the actions of the Koeman father and son in trying to get de Gaulle to grant them citizenship were aimed at undermining Afrac's supporters, but Koeman, considering the evolution over the next few decades, did not feel that he had done anything wrong.

Before Afrak could retort, Koman stood up, his back to the two men, sunlight streaming through the stained glass windows high in the church and illuminating his face. “Looking at the past is far clearer than looking at the future. I don’t deny the brilliance of ancient Arab civilization, and I sincerely believe that without the low-probability accident of the Industrial Revolution, the current world religious landscape would be completely different. But that accident happened, and it led to today’s result. From a realistic perspective, you should accept it.”

“Coman… Warrant Officer.” Salahuddin Bitar opened his mouth, looking at the young man whose back was to him.

“Mr. Bitar,” Koman turned his head, blocking the sunlight, leaving only a shadow in Bitar’s eyes, “I very much hope that a modern political party will emerge in Syria, but don’t cause me any trouble, and… can I speak freely? It might hurt you.”

(End of this chapter)