Father of France

Chapter 126 The Fourth Republic

When the general election officially began on October 17, Koeman was in Baden, a German city in the French-occupied zone. His dawdling trip home ultimately prevented him from making it in time for the election.

Gudrun Himmler stayed with Corman, who was not eligible to vote, as the radio hissed and played intermittent news reports about the French election. "Even if you're too old to vote, you don't have to hide abroad. This is your first election since the war."

"It's just the beginning of a period of political chaos in the Weimar Republic," Koeman muttered, sprawled on the sofa like he had no bones. "But it won't affect us soldiers."

Germany had no colonies, so Gudrun Himmler couldn't understand the meaning behind Koeman's words: how could the government not influence the military?

"Our country's largest party is the French Communist Party, and the second largest is the French Socialist Party, which is also a left-wing party," Corman explained slowly. "Do you think General de Gaulle would have allowed the left-wing alliance to take shape?"

Not to mention the clash between presidential and parliamentary systems. Corman recalled that in the first post-war general election, de Gaulle and France fought a stalemate. Although the French Communist Party was the largest party and won the most seats, de Gaulle resolutely prevented the French Communist Party from gaining control of foreign affairs, defense, and the interior—the traditional three ministries—and he did not want to give any of them to the French Communist Party.

"Isn't this similar to a minister without jurisdiction?" Gudrun Himmler asked after hearing this, referring to a position called a minister without jurisdiction that existed in Germany during the Weimar Republic.

“They are not the same. The ministers in charge of affairs in the Weimar Republic and the situation currently facing the French Communist Party have nothing in common.” Coman denied Gudrun-Himmler’s speculation.

The Minister without Portfolio in the Weimar Republic was not a useless position; on the contrary, he was quite capable. He coordinated the work between various departments of the Weimar Republic, ensuring the smooth implementation of the Prime Minister's policies and agenda throughout the government. He was one of the Prime Minister's closest and most trusted aides.

The term "no one cares" in the Weimar Republic refers to not being responsible for any specific task. In reality, the Minister of No One Cares could manage almost everything and interfere in any matter.

“Honey, could you move to Saar?” Koeman was only using the pretext of visiting his comrade-in-arms; he really just wanted to see Gudron Himmler. “The Nuremberg Trials are about to begin. Although I can protect you while you’re in the French-occupied zone, it will be much easier to take care of you if you go directly to the Saar zone.”

“I need to discuss it with my mother.” Gudron Himmler didn’t refuse outright, indicating that he needed his mother Margaret’s consent first, and asked with puzzlement, “Are you in such a hurry?”

“I’m going to serve overseas right after the election.” Koman thought to himself that he was in too much of a hurry. “Otherwise, when will I ever become a general if I stay in the country? I’ll feel much more at ease when I’m serving if you live in Saarland.”

Gudron Himmler then understood Koeman's good intentions; it was all for her sake. His expression softened as he said, "Don't put too much pressure on yourself. It doesn't have to be a general; we can discuss that."

This gentle approach, aside from getting Coman to seize the opportunity and bury his head in the arms of the little dragon rider, had no other immediate effect.

As millions of French voters make decisions about their bright future, Koeman is also about to make his own decision. The grand chapter of the Fourth Republic is about to begin, and he too will embark on his own great chapter.

The results were first released in the Fourth Republic. After a day of waiting, the results of the first postwar election were announced, with the French Communist Party leading the pack. Its outstanding contributions to the resistance movement had earned it great prestige, and it had shown extremely high support since the start of the election. The results were no exception.

The French Communist Party won approximately 26 percent of the vote and 159 seats. The Socialist Party followed closely behind, winning approximately 24 percent of the vote and 147 seats. It is another important force on the left.

The People's Republican Movement, as a major supporter of de Gaulle, attracted a large number of Catholics and also won 150 seats.

The three parties won more than three-quarters of the vote. The Radical Socialist Party, which was part of the provisional government, lost the election because of its close ties with the Third Republic. The four major parties in the provisional government became three parties after the election. Politics is most pragmatic, and the Radical Socialist Party fell behind.

The results of the French election quickly spread around the world, especially in the United States, which was quite shocked by the outcome. The French Communist Party had become a significant force in French politics.
The supporters of the French Communist Party (CCP) don't care what the United States thinks; they are very satisfied with the results of this election, and celebrations by CCP supporters can be seen all over Paris.

"We won! We won!" Supporters of the French Communist Party surged into the streets, singing "The Internationale," their red flags standing out starkly against the gray sky. They had won the most seats, becoming the largest party in the National Constituent Assembly. This was not a complete victory, but a stunning declaration—the party that had been marginalized and suppressed before the war had now returned in force, carrying the glory of the resistance movement and the people's yearning for change.

Of course, red is not the only color. The People's Republic Movement, established by supporters of de Gaulle less than a year after the liberation of France, also showed the potential to be a dark horse.

As a completely new force, it emerged unexpectedly and achieved tremendous success, proving that de Gaulle's prestige and people's desire for stability and order were equally deeply rooted.

Supporters of the People's Republic Movement were mostly silent, finding solace in the sound of church bells and expressing their caution toward drastic change through their votes.

Le Monde announced the results on its front page: "A historic vote!", "The birth of a new political order!", "A three-way power struggle!" and so on.

With the French Communist Party and the Socialist Party gaining over 50 percent of the vote and seats in the National Assembly, the result, while not an overwhelming victory for the French Communist Party alone, is still quite impactful.

In the eyes of many, the French Socialist Party is simply less radical, and the Socialist Party agrees with many of the French Communist Party's propositions, making the relationship between the two parties questionable.

Georges Pitour also expressed concern about this phenomenon, wondering if the French Communist Party and the Socialist Party might bypass the Popular Republican Movement and form a government on their own using their more than 50 percent approval rating.

"To prevent the Socialist Party and the French Communist Party from uniting, the people must be made aware that elections cannot become the tyranny of the majority. Also, we need to talk to the Chief of the Army General Staff. Soldiers are patriotic and trustworthy." De Gaulle didn't intend to do anything to the French Communist Party, but it's always better to be cautious.

At the Ander firing range, Koeman was holding the German dictionary he often carried with him when he was with Gudrun Himmler. The area was crowded with engineers, officers, and recorders, all of whom were holding their breath.

"Loading complete!" "Aiming parameters confirmed!" "Velocity meter ready!"

With a cold report, the loader leaped backward, and the gunner yanked the firing cord!
A massive, violently churning orange-red fireball erupted from the muzzle, the enormous sound slamming into the observation window as if it were a tangible force. Koman couldn't help but take a step back. This glass had to be replaced. How could such a serious weapons test be conducted with an observation window made of ordinary glass?
The shell had already detached from the barrel, spinning at several times the speed of sound as it tore through the air and flew toward the target.

Its trajectory was imperceptible to the naked eye. In an instant, an even more dazzling white light exploded at the distant target! A deafening metallic clang—proof that the bullet had struck the target with overwhelming force!
Thick, grayish-white smoke and dust kicked up by the explosion instantly engulfed the target area. The power of the 90mm cannon was evident; this caliber is also the main gun caliber that the military currently wants to use in tank projects.

As the smoke cleared, the once indestructible giant target gradually came into view. In its center, a neatly shaped hole, its edges slightly molten and reddish from the extreme temperature and pressure, viciously pierced through the steel plate!
"Continue, target number two." Koeman turned his gaze back and ordered the test to continue. Target number two was not just a simple steel plate, but explosive reactive armor that had undergone more than forty tests over several days, which was hung on the steel plate of target number two.

The process for target number one was repeated precisely, followed by another ear-piercing shelling. Everyone stared intently at the result. Once the smoke cleared, the soldiers immediately went to the target and carefully removed the steel plate.

“Explosive reactive armor is effective and can significantly improve the survivability of armored targets.” Koman led Colonel Kobel to the two steel plates that had been removed from the test range. The difference was obvious. The explosive reactive armor steel plates that were hanging there looked like bricks, while the plates were relatively intact.

The other target plate, which embodies the extraordinary courage of the lobster soldiers, is in a rather pitiful state. It clearly shows how the artillery shell, with its unstoppable kinetic energy and hardness, brutally squeezed, melted, and finally completely pierced through this thick barrier, and what the consequences would be.

"It's like how sandbags can stop large-caliber bullets, but harder hardwoods can't. Combining materials of different densities can greatly improve the protective power."

Koeman spoke confidently in front of a group of German engineers, saying, "We can even conduct this kind of test on the main armor, but of course, because my current conditions are relatively limited, I can only work on explosive reactive armor."

Colonel Kobel nodded repeatedly, unable to contain his admiration. "This is already a remarkable innovation. Our biggest problem right now is facing the overwhelming armored superiority of the Soviet Union; their armored forces are even more formidable than Germany's."

Upon hearing this, the German engineers were immediately embarrassed. Koeman, however, was not embarrassed. He was only concerned about one thing: could he be promoted one rank from lieutenant?
(End of this chapter)