Father of France

Chapter 125 The First Major Event After the War
Koeman did not stay in Munich for long. Interceptions in the French-occupied Austria were still within the Antioch mission's scope. France was in dire need of everything, otherwise the black market exchange rate would not be three times higher than the official rate.

Only through firsthand experience can one truly understand that the devastating impact of World War II on these old-line imperialist powers in Europe was no exaggeration; it truly brought about the utter destruction of the once-superior Europe.

Without the Marshall Plan, Western European countries would have been unable to withstand the red tide originating from Moscow. Perhaps only Britain had the ability to resist it. The war had just ended, and the Canadian government had already announced a total of $1.2 billion in loans to Britain to help maintain its economy.

“We’re still squeezing every penny out of German exiles, while the British are getting loans of a billion dollars,” Alan couldn’t help but complain. “The two colonial empires are worlds apart.”

"Our two countries have been unequal since Napoleon, but Canadian loans aren't so easy to get," Coleman replied lazily. "Canada's actions will only make the United States think that they've been too lenient with the British, and they'll spare no effort in recovering the debts."

Even Coman knew that although Britain and France often appeared together, the two colonial empires were not the same in strength at all. Did the Americans think they were blind and couldn't see that?

Only when British India, with its 4.8 million square kilometers of land area, became independent would the strength of Britain and France be comparable. Before the independence of British India, the British were considered equal to the Soviets in the eyes of the Americans.

Alan only complained briefly before getting to the point: "How much longer are we going to be here? Even the Yugoslavs have left."

"It's estimated that there will still be many German fugitives who haven't been caught by the end of the year." Koeman could also recall one person: Dr. Mengele, who had been hiding in Bavaria. In another world, he remained hidden until 1949 before fleeing to South America, and he must still be in Germany now.

Alan nodded and asked, "How is the situation in the country now? I heard there are going to be general elections. Will General de Gaulle continue to govern?"

"The general election has already been scheduled for a week later, so there's no need to rush it. But after Churchill's actions at the Potsdam Conference, how can we possibly drag the election out indefinitely? Wouldn't that mean that we, a republic, don't respect the will of the people like a constitutional monarchy?"

This wasn't just wild speculation from Koeman; his father, General Dragon, had heard de Gaulle's assessment of Churchill's eagerness to hold a general election, and the assessment wasn't very high.

However, Koeman was not optimistic about this election. Because he wanted to implement a presidential system, de Gaulle did not join any party, nor did he represent any party's interests. He was building his own supra-partisan influence and intended to continue doing so.

However, these four major parties all have their own interests, and if a general election were to begin, they would certainly become de Gaulle's enemies.

Perhaps during the provisional government period, several parties could unite under de Gaulle's leadership and demonstrate their selflessness, but once the general election begins, the environment changes.

The army, as the stronghold of the conservatives, will certainly continue to be de Gaulle's support, but its role in peacetime is limited.

This explains why the suggestion to militarize Algeria ultimately received de Gaulle's support.

On the one hand, France had to quell the uprising in Algeria; on the other hand, military control of Algeria would help the army maintain its influence.

This election will inevitably be a struggle between the presidential system promoted by de Gaulle and the parliamentary system supported by various parties. From an electoral perspective, if the people support de Gaulle's views, the parties can only obey; if the people oppose them, de Gaulle will fail. It's that simple.

However, popular support is unreliable, especially since France is also known as a revolutionary base. The French people have become fragmented and competitive due to their long-standing parliamentary system. They could tolerate de Gaulle's leadership during the war, but once order is restored, the French people are very likely to return to their previous state.

"Was it a lie when millions of people shouted 'Long live General de Gaulle' five months ago when Germany surrendered?" Alain didn't distrust Koeman, but it wasn't that long ago. He still remembered what the scene was like in France back then. Alain believed that even if de Gaulle were emperor, the French people would agree to it.

"People are fickle, as Churchill has already proven," Corman shrugged. Churchill's defeat wasn't just a loss; it was a humiliating one, a complete rout by the Labour Party. Although the interim government had begun polls before leaving Paris, indicating that de Gaulle's presidential system was supported by the majority of French people, the parties' avoidance of taking a stand on the presidential system already showed that, facing the general election, they were no longer truly aligned with de Gaulle.

France's first general election after the war was bound to see all parties fielding their full strength, and of course, French women gained the right to vote for the first time.

This has nothing to do with Koeman; he's too young to vote, otherwise why would he be out at this time? Of course, it's because he can only be an observer.

In fact, Paris at this time was already bustling with activity. The French have always been good at political rallies and are known as the old revolutionary base. Now, who is the most revolutionary? It is obviously the French Communist Party.

The political graffiti on the wall clearly demonstrated this, with posters featuring General de Gaulle's resolute face next to a dense array of new posters—hammer and sickle, tricolor rose, and cross... Every symbol seemed to be screaming, vying for the attention of the French people who were rising again from the ruins.

After five years of war, the French people will face their first major event: voting.

The political rallies, which came one after another, were no less intense than those during the recently concluded World War II. The crowds were so loud that the debates almost lifted the roof off the club.

"We must change completely! The promises made during the People's Front era have not yet been fulfilled, and now war has come! We can no longer wait!" The young man, his eyes burning with fervor, pounded on the table. A French Communist Party badge was pinned to his chest, clearly indicating his stance.

"Change? What we need is order and rebuilding! Not another chaos. Mr. Monet's plan is the pragmatic way..."

In a nearby park, a well-dressed middle-aged man addressed passersby, representing the emerging People's Republic movement and spouting Christian democracy and loyalty to de Gaulle.

However, it is clear that the political rallies of the French Communist Party and the Socialist Party are much larger, and there are significantly more female faces than at the political rallies of the Popular Republican Movement.

This was the first time French women had participated in a legislative election, and they looked exceptionally solemn. However, it was clear that the conservative parties had not noticed, or had not noticed as early as the left-wing parties such as the French Communist Party and the Socialist Party.

During political rallies, the political lines of various parties were also made known to the French people who participated or were passively listening. The French Communist Party did not hide its admiration for the Soviet Union, expressing its intention to bring radical changes and Soviet-style hope.

The Socialist Party, also a left-wing party, was not so radical, stating that it sought a middle path; as for the People's Republican Movement, it championed stability and faith.

The performances of various political parties also demonstrate that parliamentary systems are naturally attractive to political parties.

As for the presidential system promoted by de Gaulle, these parties only superficially did not oppose it. When the leader of the French Communist Party, Torres, held a meeting at headquarters, he listened to the opinions of senior cadres.

"If we win alone, or form a coalition government with the Socialists, then we must prevent de Gaulle from becoming the chairman of the ruling coalition." The French Communist Party is also conducting opinion polls and is optimistic about the upcoming election.

The only obstacle was de Gaulle, whose close ties with the military and the French army posed a significant threat to the government after his election. Moreover, the French Communist Party suspected de Gaulle of having a tendency toward a military government.

(End of this chapter)