Technology invades the modern world

Chapter 321 The Absolute Problem Solver

"Professor, the reason we are willing to sign a peace agreement is largely due to our trust in you," Kosygin frankly admitted.

"Although Comrade Korolev has passed away, he always held you in high esteem and hoped that we would persuade you to come to work in Moscow."

Even though you both participated in the face-to-face program, and you angrily denounced Moscow's actions towards Yenching in front of him, we believe this was a choice driven by national sentiment, further proving that you are a true pacifist.

Both sides reached a consensus to sign a one-year ceasefire agreement, Lin Ran said as he and Kosygin strolled in the gardens of the Palais des Nations on the eve of his departure from Geneva.

For signatures like these, either Leonid and Lyndon Johnson would come in person, or Dean Rusk would come. Generally, it wouldn't be Lin Ran who would sign, even if he were the plenipotentiary ambassador.

Furthermore, Lin Ran was not interested, because the signing process would take at least half a month, and all three parties would need to finalize the agreement.

He didn't want to wait a full two weeks just to appear under the media spotlight.

As one of the most representative figures of the Cold War, Lin Ran has never lacked media exposure.

After partnering with Big T, Columbia Television has been trying to contact Lin Ran through Jenny Hearst, attempting to persuade him to also host a talk show on their network, and guaranteeing that Lin Ran's talk show would be the most watched and highest-rated show ever.

Big T had also privately told Lin Ran that Lin Ran had such a wide network of connections that he could invite anyone he wanted to be interviewed. He even said that if Lin Ran wanted to invite Nikita, who had been exiled to the Black Sea for a long vacation, he might be able to invite her.

When Lin Ran interviewed Nikita, just thinking about it in his head made Big T feel like he was going to have an orgasm; he was imagining himself as Lin Ran.

At the scene in the Gardens of the Palace of Nations, security personnel were stationed at a distance, and the gardens were cordoned off to prevent outsiders from entering. Only Lin Ran and Kosygin were present, and they walked very slowly.

Reporters snapped photos within the security perimeter. The US and the Soviet Union reached a ceasefire agreement in Vietnam, negotiated personally by the professor. This was an absolutely major event, especially at this point in time following the North Vietnamese spring offensive.

"Okay, I have neither good nor bad feelings towards the Soviet Union," Lin Ran said quietly.

Kosygin nodded: "We know that you are an absolute realist. For you, solving problems has become an instinct, and you don't mix personal likes or dislikes into solving problems."

Whether it's a math problem or a real-world problem, when a problem is presented to you, you only think about one thing: how do I solve it?

This is also how the KGB interprets Lin Ran: an absolute problem solver who only sees problems and has no moral principles or ethical standards.

The Kremlin largely agrees with this interpretation.

They felt that Lin Ran's identity as a mathematician and his way of thinking as a mathematician were deeply ingrained in him, that he could even come up with a method like the "madman theory," and that he was not afraid of actually overturning the chessboard and causing a nuclear war.

That's right, Moscow isn't afraid of Lyndon Johnson; they're worried about Lin Ran.

To put it simply, Moscow is essentially a follower of Machiavelli. It's pointless to talk to them about ideologies, classes, or camps; you have to talk to them about interests.

Machiavelli emphasized the maintenance of secular power, pragmatism, and moral flexibility, prioritizing national interests over ideology.

The Salin era was marked by Machiavellian principles in its actual policies and leadership style, including a realistic approach that employed fear, deception, alliance tactics, and end-means determination.

This similarity has been described by scholars as revolutionary Machiavellianism, referring to Soviet Russia's combination of Machiavellian power tactics with the Bolshevik revolutionary tradition, which is essentially nothing more than Machiavellian core packaged in Bolshevik garb.

The same is true of modern Soviet Russia.

That's why they aren't afraid of Lyndon Johnson; they know it's all an act. But they are worried about Lin Ran. Within Moscow's purview, Lin Ran, devoid of moral principles and standards, driven solely by a desire to solve problems, could genuinely escalate the war through a nuclear conflict, solely for the sake of victory.

If Lyndon Johnson were to fall from grace and lose his composure, and with an absolute problem solver like Lin Ran pulling the strings behind the scenes, and given Lin Ran's unquestionable power in the White House, the Kremlin could not afford such consequences, even if there were only a one percent chance.

Moreover, the Kremlin estimates that there is at least a 30% chance of catastrophic consequences.

Lin Ran's Chinese identity made him even more unscrupulous when manipulating the two white countries, the United States and the Soviet Union.

So it wasn't that Lyndon Johnson successfully feigned madness, but rather that Lin Ran, whom the Kremlin considered a genuine madman, frightened them.

"An interesting interpretation. So this is how Moscow sees me." Lin Ran smiled noncommittally.

Kosygin continued, "This is not a derogatory term; on the contrary, it is the highest form of praise."

Many scholars of the Columbia School, or other schools of thought, often have a misconception that they must act based on ideas, have a logical framework, personify the state, and follow such a framework.

America started the Vietnam War, and the scholars were disappointed. We also had a falling out with China, and the scholars were disappointed.

This is because their theories are impractical. They summarize past observations into theories, yet attempt to analyze, predict, and guide future events.

"Professor, an absolute problem solver is exactly the kind of talent that's most needed in reality."

After listening, Lin Ran pointed out incisively: "Just like the media thinks you are a moderate and that Leonid is a conservative and a hawk, in reality, you are all making decisions based on considerations of the national interests of Soviet Russia."

You are also problem solvers; idealism is merely a facade you use to achieve your goals.

Kosygin nodded and said, "Of course, no one really believes that we and America can coexist. At least we haven't observed any indication that America has such a desire. We both wish the other would disappear from the earth tomorrow."

I just feel that we shouldn't be focusing our energy on military confrontation right now. We have far too many internal problems to solve. Military confrontation is a foolish thing that yields little benefit, incurs great costs, and ultimately allows other countries to profit.

Kosygin was also a top supporter of the Eastern European OGAS system.

Without Kosygin's support, the integration of OGAS in Eastern Europe would have been impossible to implement long ago.

Lin Ran asked curiously, "Aren't you afraid I'll leak your words to the media?"

You must understand that the reason why many intellectuals in the liberal camp yearn for and support Moscow is because they believe that Moscow is idealistic and that only Moscow can change the status quo and the problems of the liberal camp.

What you're saying now is that we're not some idealistic camp; we're a more naked form of classical court politics.

Kosygin said, "Professor, we are not in classical court politics, and secondly, even if you tell the media, I will not admit that I said those words."

Lin Ran did not refute the other party, but thought that when Podgorny was ousted and you gradually lost power in the diplomatic field, what you wanted to do was overthrown not because what you wanted to do was wrong, but because it was what you proposed. At that time, you will know why I said that Soviet Russia was a classical court politics.

“Mr. Kosygin, I would like to invite a reporter from the New York Times to take a group photo of us and publish it in the newspaper to reflect our pursuit of peace. What do you think?”

The press secretary had already announced beforehand that the Vietnam War would be discussed at the White House East Room press conference, which was very positive news.

Of course, everyone knows that.

Lin Ran's trip to Geneva as plenipotentiary ambassador to negotiate with Kosygin had already been extensively reported by the media.

The New York Times published a front-page headline photo of the two standing in the gardens of the Palais des Nations, their smiles suggesting a positive outcome to the negotiations.

The photos taken by reporters while Lin Ran and Kosygin were walking together also gave readers the illusion that the negotiations were going smoothly.

So everyone guessed it would be a good result. The reporters who came had very optimistic expectations and hoped to get more accurate information.

White House Press Secretary Joe Christian walked into the East Room carrying a thick stack of documents, and the reporters below raised their hands.

Before he could even call out names one by one, questions erupted throughout the East Room of the White House.

Is the White House planning to compromise?

"Does this mean that the Vietnam War, orchestrated by the White House, has ended in complete failure?"

"Could the professor please come out and say a few words?"

How does President Johnson view Big T's claim that he can't do anything without the professor?

How should we evaluate Hanoi's claim that this was a great victory for the Baiyue people?

We live in a simpler time; neither side can win completely in a battle, right? If one side achieves a great victory, then the other side must suffer a crushing defeat.

We haven't yet reached the point where, in later generations, both sides in a conflict can claim a great victory.

At least people still respect common sense. They can't bring themselves to do something like, "If you win, I win too."

Christian cleared his throat and glanced at the reporters below the stage. As the White House press secretary during Lyndon Johnson's term, he knew all of them.

Christian knew perfectly well who was in the opposition, who supported the president, who was on good terms with Nixon, and who belonged to the Hearst family.

"Ladies and gentlemen, good afternoon."

Mr. President, you have authorized me to announce an important development: during high-level talks in Geneva, our plenipotentiary ambassador Randolph Lin held constructive dialogue with Soviet Prime Minister Alexei Kosygin on the Vietnam War.

The two sides discussed the urgency of the current situation, including casualties and regional instability following the Tet Offensive.

The Soviet Union recognized that the ongoing conflict was not in line with the global strategic balance, and given the increasingly tense international situation, they agreed to urge North Vietnam to participate in armistice negotiations.

The three parties—America, South Vietnam, and North Vietnam—planned to finalize a one-year armistice treaty in Geneva.

The treaty will include an immediate cessation of bombing, buffer zones for troop withdrawal, and a monitoring mechanism to ensure compliance with relevant UN Security Council resolutions.

This marks a crucial step towards a peaceful resolution to the Vietnam crisis.

A commotion broke out in the press box, with flashbulbs going off incessantly.

Christian was somewhat nervous: he knew this would trigger a domestic political storm, with hawks seeing it as a concession and doves questioning the treaty's sustainability.

It's a lose-lose situation.

"Secretary, after the Lunar New Year Offensive, US casualties surged, public support declined, and the White House's nuclear deterrence became increasingly apparent. Did these factors force the Soviet Union to change its stance?"

"What are the details of the treaty? Is one year enough? Will South Vietnam agree to it?"

"Secretary, could North Vietnam's strategy of negotiating and fighting make the treaty vulnerable? What are the White House's contingency plans if North Vietnam is the first to breach the agreement?"

"Secretary, could you tell me the specific details of the professor's negotiations with Mr. Kosygin, and what methods the professor used to persuade the Kremlin to facilitate this peace talk?"

Christian remained silent, standing on the interview platform. After reading his lines, he did not utter a single word and did not answer any questions from the reporters below.

He raised his hands and pressed them down, saying, "Alright, that concludes today's press conference. Further information will be released after the Geneva ceasefire agreement is signed."

After saying that, he turned and left, ignoring the noise in the East Hall and whether the reporters had heard what he said.

After the three parties decided to sign a ceasefire agreement, Rusk became exceptionally busy.

Lyndon Johnson saw a glimmer of hope for a turnaround in the election, and the good news of the ceasefire agreement halted his poll numbers.

Both McCarthy and Wallace, the two challengers within the party, claimed to be peace lovers and capable of ending the Vietnam War.

But there's no denying that Lyndon Johnson has stopped the Vietnam War. You guys just say you can do it in your campaign speeches, but I have already done it.

With the prestige gained from the moon landing, and after serving three years as vice president and five years as president, Lyndon Johnson gradually regained control of the party primaries.

Humphrey was completely dumbfounded. He hadn't expected that this tactic would actually work, and Lyndon Johnson had actually managed to achieve a ceasefire.

North Vietnam actually agreed to peace talks. Humphrey thought to himself that an uncivilized monkey is still a monkey, actually believing the White House's ceasefire agreement.

He is now in a very difficult situation, namely whether or not to run for office.

In the original timeline, Humphrey didn't emerge until March 31st, when Lyndon Johnson publicly announced that he would not seek re-election and would support Humphrey's candidacy.

Now that Lyndon Johnson's situation has reversed, what should he do? Should he oppose him now?
If he opposes the other side, how can he, as an important member of this White House, maintain his position? And Johnson's supporters won't like him; they'll see him as a traitor. How can he win with such a huge debuff?
The US-Soviet peace talks and the Vietnam War ceasefire left Humphrey the most wounded.

Next is Rusk. The Democratic primaries begin on March 12 in New Hampshire, and Lyndon Johnson is urging him to finalize a peace agreement by April.

Forget about 996, during this period, besides going home from work, he would just fall asleep as soon as he got back, and many times he would even rest directly in his office.

When he returned home that day, he could see from afar that the first floor of his house was brightly lit.

He glanced at his watch; it was almost midnight. Rusk found it strange, as his wife should have been asleep long ago.

Once inside the house, Rusk realized what was going on: his son, Richard Rusk, had brought a group of classmates to stay at his house.

Dean Rusk roughly counted, and there were a total of 13 people; they were treating his house like a hotel.

“Young men, it’s time to get some rest.” Dean Rusk didn’t toss his briefcase on the dining table as usual, but instead tucked it under his arm, intending to take it back to his study and lock it behind him.

“Father, tell us about this peace talk!” Richard Rusk called out.

His classmates also waved anti-war banners.

They came to Washington to participate in an anti-war march.

Everyone is eager to get firsthand information from this current White House Secretary of State.

“I know the same thing you know,” Rusk said.

Richard Rusk stood up and hugged his father's arm. "Father, please tell us!"

This was the first time his son had been so close to him since the start of the Vietnam War.

Thinking about the pressure he'd been under lately, Rusk softened his tone: "Alright, guys, what do you want to know? I can only tell you my analysis; I absolutely won't tell you anything I can't."

Richard quickly asked, "Father, will this ceasefire, which was supposed to last a year, become permanent?"

“I don’t know,” Rusk said. “I don’t even know if I’ll still be in the White House a year from now.”

George, a classmate sitting next to him, asked, "Mr. Secretary of State, why was the professor able to make the deal, while the White House made many efforts in London last year, and you went to London and Beijing, but you were unsuccessful?"

Is this, as conservative newspapers claim, the professor's greatest achievement in America? Or does the professor truly possess magic?

Hawks were very dissatisfied with the peace talks. Military generals, conservative members of Congress, and others were all unhappy with the talks, so conservative media portrayed the talks as a setback for the White House.

At the same time, Lin Ran, who was directly responsible for facilitating the peace talks, was once again labeled a Soviet KGB officer.

Otherwise, why are you the only one who can close the deal? Why can't everyone else?

They considered the affectionate photos of Lin Ran and Kosygin as irrefutable evidence that Lin Ran was reporting to the Kremlin.

Conservative media outlets even turned the photo into a four-panel comic strip.

"Did I do a good job?"

"Of course, keep up the good work, next time I want to see you sitting in the Oval Office."

"Me? The president?"

"That's right, you will become the first Chinese-American president."

Conservative media outlets say that sooner or later, Lin Ran will become president, and then the Kremlin will have directly won the Cold War.

No space race is needed, no AI singularity is needed, all we need to do is put the professor in the White House.

Rusk had naturally seen the reports as well, and in the White House office, they all treated them as jokes during their busy work hours.

"The professor is certainly not a KGB member. I find it hard to imagine that if the professor were working in Moscow, our situation would be much more difficult now."

(End of this chapter)