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Chapter 167 The White House Needs to Be Renamed!

Chapter 167 The White House Needs to Be Renamed! (5k)

The journalists and civil rights representatives present had assumed that Lin Ran would avoid the question.

Because everyone knows very well that the hearing is just a formality.

As long as the conservative lawmakers cannot find evidence that Lin Ran has openly connected with the Soviet Union, then in this turbulent time, all Lin Ran needs to do is quietly wait for the Senate vote.

With the Democratic Party in the majority, and Lin Ran not being entirely without connections in America, Morgan and Rockefeller would both strongly support him. The Hearst family also wields considerable power in Washington, making it impossible for the Senate not to pass the bill.

I thought Lin Ran would give a high-sounding response to this question.

Simply say: we will favor ethnic minorities, provided we are competent.

This kind of all-purpose answer tends to favor ethnic minorities, but it is based on the premise of fairness.

At most, they might give a brief explanation in a subsequent interview, stating that social employment is biased towards white people, so government recruitment should appropriately favor ethnic minorities provided the candidate is competent.

From a purely pragmatic perspective, this answer would be most beneficial to Lin Ran.

But Lin Ran said far more than he needed to say.

America's oppression of minorities was described as systemic oppression.

It is important to understand that, in the present day, Black people feel oppressed, but they lack theoretical scholars and can only describe this oppression from the perspective of individual feelings and case studies.

At this time, the Democratic Party and ethnic minorities had not yet fully merged.

The Black protests lacked a theoretical basis.

Some of these activists even rely on socialist ideas from thousands of miles away.

The Black Panther Party is a prime example of this.

When Lin Ran's expression transcended time and space, bringing to the audience a fully mature discourse from sixty years later, containing elements of the systematic oppression of ethnic minorities, the entire conference room was first silent, then the civil rights representatives began to applaud, then the reporters, and finally a small number of members of parliament joined in the applause.

“I think the Civil Rights Act is a good start for America, but through it we can see the systemic oppression of minorities in American society for a long time in the past.”

The Civil War only ended the exploitation on a personal level, but systemic oppression still existed for a long time. This oppression was maintained through social norms, institutional rules and daily practices. In many cases, it may not have been caused by a particular oppressor, but rather was the result of people's gradual formation.

Change begins now. As a federal agency, NASA also needs to make its own small contribution to human equality.

This is my answer.

After the applause subsided, Lin Ran continued.

After Lin Ran finished speaking, the applause from the audience was so loud it almost lifted the ceiling of the conference hall.

No one paid attention to the questions and answers that followed.

The civil rights representatives had many ideas coming to mind. They wrote down what Lin Ran said in their notebooks, waiting to immediately return and send it by telegram to their compatriots protesting in various places.

"Systemic oppression, the professor is absolutely right!"

“We have never had the opportunity to receive education in the past, and we have a great lack of theoretical knowledge. I think we should cooperate more with people of Asian descent. They can provide us with theoretical support.”

In the subsequent Q&A session, the civil rights representatives discussed Lin Ran's proposed theory, even though it was incomplete and only fragmentary, and everyone felt it was very valuable.

Academic discussions on the systemic oppression of ethnic minorities began to emerge in the 1980s. The book "Systemic Racism: A Theory of Oppression," published in 2006, fully summarized this theory. The Floyd incident in 2020 brought it into the public eye and made it a mainstream discourse.

Therefore, Lin Ran's viewpoint has epoch-making significance at present, especially for the Black community, which is extremely lacking in theoretical knowledge, as it is an arsenal to enrich their thinking.

Why am I unhappy? Because I suffer from systemic oppression from white society!
"Professor, one last question. Korolev met with you once each in London and Geneva. You speak Russian, and according to public information, your Russian is very fluent. However, your academic record in Göttingen never shows that you took any Russian-related courses."

"Do you have any connection with Soviet Russia? What is your attitude towards Soviet Russia?" Chairman Magnussen asked.

Lin Ran explained, "My Russian language skills come from self-study when I was young. Geniuses always learn things very quickly. When I was a child, Soviet Russia and the free world were still allies."

I have no connection with Soviet Russia. My meeting with Korolev in London was due to a security lapse, as detailed in the IA's records. My meeting with Korolev in Geneva was with President Lyndon Johnson's approval, and was a meeting to push for a peace agreement and a hotline between the two sides.

Neither of these meetings was something I could control.

I believe the Soviet Union was our biggest competitor, and we needed to prove to the world that America was the only answer for humanity's future and its journey into space. That's why I joined NASA.

Former NASA Administrator James Webb rose to his feet: “Mr. Chairman, I would like to speak. As a current NASA administrator, I believe Professor Lin’s technical expertise and leadership are impeccable. His nomination will inject new vitality into NASA.”

The rumors about Professor Lin's connection to Soviet Russia are utter nonsense, fabricated by conservatives. I worked with Professor Lin for many years; he was a great scientist who never showed the slightest endorsement of socialism.

Senator Thurmond waved his hand impatiently: "Mr. Weber, you will certainly support Johnson's choice. But that won't change everyone's doubts."

Chairman Magnussen struck the gavel, his voice booming: "Alright, today's hearing is now adjourned. Thank you, Professor Lin, and all the committee members for your participation. This hearing is now concluded. The committee will vote next week to decide the nomination results."

"professor."

After the hearing, Lin Ran was packing his things and preparing to go back to his residence with Jenny when he heard a strange white man walking towards him.

"Hello, who are you?" Lin Ran asked. He vaguely remembered meeting the person inside the White House, but they had never interacted directly.

“Professor, I am Harris Wofford, formerly President Kennedy’s Special Assistant for Civil Rights and an advisor to Martin Luther King Jr.,” the white man said.

Lin Ran immediately retrieved this person from his memory.

The reason I know this person is quite ingenious; it's not because of their identity, but because of their explosive deeds in future news reports.

This Democratic senator from the 1990s, who was an advisor to both Martin Luther King Jr. and John F. Kennedy in the 1960s, married a 40-year-old "young man" in 2016 at the age of 90.

Lin Ran, who originally just wanted to find political figures from the 60s and clarify the intricate connections between them, remembered this political figure because of this explosive news.

Because of this kind of news, Lin Ran would subconsciously label the other person as an opportunist: "I remember seeing you at the White House."

Harris Wofford was bitter. They were both special assistants during Kennedy's time, but how come he became NASA director while I was marginalized in Lyndon Johnson's White House and assigned to Africa as a Peace Corps special representative?

This cannot be considered a typical exile; it is more like being exiled to the very edge of the empire.

People are more mad than people.

“Professor, what you just said was fantastic, even better than the professor who gave the most insightful summary of the oppression of Black people when I was studying at Howard University,” Wofford complimented.

Lin Ran showed no sign of smugness. Wofford continued, "Martin Luther King Jr. wishes to meet with you, Professor. Also, Professor, would you be willing to write an article to publish your discussion of the systemic oppression of minorities?"
I think hundreds of thousands of minorities in this country would love to see such an inspiring article summarizing the grievances they've suffered.

After listening, Lin Ran nodded and said, "Of course, but I will be returning to work at the Redstone Base soon. If Mr. Jin wants to see me, he has to do it as soon as possible, while I am still in Washington."

"Furthermore, I'd be happy to do something for minorities. I'll communicate with the New York Times to get the article published there, and I'll send you a copy after it's published."

On the way back, Jenny brought it up in the car: "That guy was a weirdo from Washington."

Lin Ran asked curiously, "Why do you say that?"

“He’s a white man who went to Howard University for college,” Jenny said, noticing that Lin Ran in the passenger seat didn’t react. “It’s a very old, traditionally Black college.”

When he was in school, the antagonism between Black and white people was very serious. I guess he was probably the only white person in the entire law school at the time. Black people faced personal danger in white areas, and white people faced the same situation in Black areas.

After hearing this, Lin Ran immediately changed his opinion of Wofford. After all, making such a choice when young doesn't necessarily mean being an opportunist; it could also be the work of an idealist. "His current situation is very bad. He previously helped Kennedy gain Martin Luther King Jr.'s support, and Martin Luther King Jr. originally supported Nixon."

And he gained a lot of Black votes by using blue pamphlets.

That blue handbook was rather poorly written, using very straightforward language to promote Kennedy, but it was clearly more understandable to Black voters than newspapers and magazines, given their limited reading abilities.

As you said, Black people are systematically oppressed, and the education system is part of that oppression.

But Lyndon Johnson didn't like him; perhaps there were some conflicts between them unknown to outsiders. In any case, his influence in the White House was far less than before.

After listening, Lin Ran explained the other party's purpose in contacting him.

Jenny asked, "Did you come up with the idea about the systemic oppression of minorities yourself, or did Professor Horkheimer propose it and you then summarize it?"

Lin Ran said, "It was my own idea."

Jenny laughed and said, "This could become a branch of critical theory. In fact, with some refinement, it could be used as a doctoral dissertation to get a PhD in philosophy from Columbia University."

Lin Ran said helplessly, "Professor Horkheimer's expectations of me are probably more than this."

After thinking for a moment, Jenny nodded and said, "That's true. Professor Horkheimer certainly hopes that you can become his successor and the banner of the Frankfurt School."

While the theory of systemic oppression is certainly useful, its value lies more in politics than in academia.

Furthermore, I don't think you wrote it poorly; it's good that you, as a minority, made such a statement. However, I suggest you wait until the position of NASA administrator is filled before publishing the article.

This will be better for you personally, reducing unnecessary variables.

Lin Ran shook his head and said, "Waiting until the voting is over to publish it is the behavior of opportunists. What I'm thinking is to go back today and write it, and publish it in the New York Times tomorrow."

Jenny immediately understood Lin Ran's idea: waiting until the position was announced before publishing the article would indeed leave an impression of opportunism in the eyes of those with ulterior motives.

They want both the reputation of the civil rights movement and the power of the White House—they want both.

“Professor, in Chinese culture, a gentleman judges by actions, not intentions. No one has the right to criticize you for publishing late,” Jenny said, trying to offer some more advice.

She certainly hoped that Lin Ran could become the director of NASA, which would be of great benefit to Lin Ran in realizing his ideals. Jenny, who knew how Washington played the game, did not want any accidents to happen.

Lin Ran was somewhat moved by the other party's enthusiasm for learning Chinese culture, but he still insisted, "The protests are in full swing across the country, and the Civil Rights Act has taken a big step forward. How can I only think of myself at such a time?"

Jenny turned to look at Lin Ran, feeling that the man in front of her had endless charm.

"Professor, your article is really well written."

In a Black bar in Washington, D.C., Lin Ran's article about the systemic oppression of minorities quickly caused a nationwide uproar after it was published.

An unprecedented impact.

In the past, news about Lin Ran was mostly focused on academic pursuits.

NASA won the space race, the hotline gained the moral high ground by promoting peace, and Deep Blue and the Tower of Babel won the technology race.

These are all ways to create a sense of victory for the public.

Furthermore, both the Fields Medal and the Nobel Peace Prize are considered personal achievements.

The article "Deep-rooted racial inequality exists in America's society" directly exposes the stark reality of America's existence to the public.

Compared to ordinary scholars, Lin Ran's greatest advantage was the abundance of case studies. The sheer number of cases he collected, combined with the fully mature theories of later generations, gave the American people of this era, especially Black and Asian people, a soul-cleansing effect.

This influence touches the soul.

Martin Luther King Jr. wasn't initially enthusiastic about meeting Lin Ran. Lin Ran was a renowned scientist and a leading figure in the Black movement who published "I Have a Dream." King Jr.'s attitude towards meeting Lin Ran was that it was optional and there was no need to make a special trip for him.

But after reading the article, he immediately drove from the outskirts of Washington, D.C. to Washington, D.C. overnight, and met Lin Ran that night at a predominantly Black bar.

The reason for going to a black bar instead of Lin Ran's house is actually because of Lin Ran, or V.

After V led the Black Lives Matter protests to expose Hoover's wiretapping activities, everyone was afraid that they would encounter similar situations if they spoke out.

Especially when Martin Luther King Jr. and Lin Ran met, there was an even greater concern about being overheard.

Only then would a black bar be believable.

At that time, rap music was not popular; the main genre was Black jazz.

U Street is the heart of Black culture and commerce, home to many bars run by Black jazz singers, such as Bohemian Cave, Jimmy McPhee's Golden Room, and Pig's Knuckle.

"I'm just describing the phenomena that exist in society; its beauty lies in its authenticity," Lin Ran said.

When Lin Ran walked into the black bar, he had a very strange feeling.

He was in a Senate meeting that was all white just two days ago, and now he's in a bar that's all black, which makes him feel like a chameleon.

Martin Luther King Jr.'s assistant introduced Lin Ran to everyone present. Upon hearing this, every Black person wanted to toast him and express their gratitude for his exposure of the injustices suffered by minorities in American society.

People even considered lifting him up to express their gratitude.

"Professor, no, no, no, this phenomenon has always existed, but the reporting is one-sided and unfair, the theory is lacking, and our struggle is difficult."

Your article has given us more concrete direction; we now know that the Civil Rights Act is just the beginning, and we need to do more.

Martin Luther King Jr. was deeply moved when he read the article. The theory that Black people, who had experienced the events firsthand, had not summarized was summarized by a Chinese person from Europe.

"Professor, do you know that after your article was published, in all the black churches in the Southern states, after the service, the black pastors would talk about your article and the systemic oppression we suffered in the past instead of telling Bible stories during their sermons?"

You have provided us with a more complete narrative system.

In this era, Black churches in the Southern states, such as Baptists and Methodists, primarily served emotional expression, community engagement, and nonviolent resistance.

Martin Luther King Jr. himself was a Black pastor who specialized in preaching on social issues.

Their process is very complicated, taking at least two or three hours each time. The sermon part is the pastor's explanation. Martin Luther King Jr.'s favorite theme in the Book of Exodus was liberation.

Other pastors also had their own preferences.

But at this moment, the topic has become systemic oppression.

After listening, Lin Ran felt that if he could stay in America until the 21st century, he would probably become someone who held the power of interpretation within America.

"Professor, I would like to ask you, besides what advice you have for our struggle regarding promoting equality for minorities in other areas, such as voting rights, housing discrimination, employment, and education?" Martin Luther King Jr. asked.

Lin Ran said, "I think you need a more impactful slogan and goal."

Civil rights bills or other legislation are too difficult for ordinary people to understand.

The fact that the White House is called "White" is the most direct evidence of racial discrimination by America; the White House must be renamed!

(End of this chapter)

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