Technology invades the modern world

Chapter 166 NASA Administrator Randolph Lin (5.4k)

“Fred can’t win!” Lin Ran said softly. “There’s no such thing as ‘what if’.”

"Nixon, do you think Lyndon Johnson will push through the Civil Rights Act?" Lin Ran countered.

Nixon thought for a moment and said, "Definitely. This is the only way for him to quell the current public anger and improve his public image."

"Do you remember the Birmingham church bombing last year?" Lin Ran continued to ask.

Nixon nodded: "I remember."

This refers to the bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama last year by KKK members, which killed four Black girls and shocked the entire nation.

Nixon hesitated, then asked, "You mean?"

Lin Ran said, "That's right. Fred attended the infamous KKK rally and was even arrested. If you look for the June 1, 1927 edition of the New York Times, you can still see the news about Fred's arrest. He was one of the seven members arrested."

He won't be exposed during the New York City council election, but do you think Lyndon Johnson won't be able to dig up news about me during the presidential election?

One is a former president who championed the Civil Rights Act, and the other is a New York real estate developer, a newcomer to politics, who joined the KKK in his youth.

Based on that alone, Fred has no chance of winning.

Lyndon Johnson doesn't need to distribute campaign flyers praising his own greatness; he only needs to distribute flyers exaggerating how despicable Fred was.

After listening, Nixon understood and was certain that Fred could not win.

After all, America is currently competing with the Soviet Union in the Cold War, so they need to seize the moral high ground.

A president can be a white supremacist, provided that no evidence is found, especially not such blatant evidence as the KKK rallies.

This eliminated even the last shred of chance Fred could have won.

Nixon was finally relieved, completely relieved.

“Professor, thank you. Now, only the final step remains: to get Fred into the presidential nomination.” Nixon’s gaze was sharp.

Lin Ran added, "Lydon Johnson will help you."

Nixon nodded and said, "Now I'm relieved."

He then asked, "Professor, this is my personal curiosity, and I hope you can answer it for me, but it's okay if you don't."

That is, when did you find out that Fred was a white supremacist, and did you not mind being friends with a white supremacist?

I always thought that ethnic minorities cared a lot about this.

Lin Ran nodded and said, "I mind, but I can overlook it when Fred can bring me benefits. The Randolph House he built can provide a good place for Chinese people that is both beautiful and inexpensive."

Besides, everyone makes mistakes. Why hold onto a mistake from his twenties for the rest of his life?

Nixon smiled and said, "Including when he thought he had reached the pinnacle of his life, he was given a fatal blow by his past as a member of the KKK."

Lin Ran said matter-of-factly, "The wrong ideas of youth are then refuted by me, a member of a minority group, after they mature. Isn't that what makes fate so interesting?"

After Lin Ran left, Robert Finch, Nixon's longtime ally and political advisor, entered.

"So? After listening to my entire conversation with the professor, what are your thoughts?" Nixon asked.

Robert Finch sat in his chair, his brow furrowed. He said thoughtfully, "Professor, this is terrible."

Nixon gestured for him to continue.

"The professor does indeed possess astonishing political wisdom, which may be, as outsiders say, a universal wisdom."

The statement, "It is possible in principle but not in principle, and not possible in principle but is in principle possible," is itself very ingenious.

What's amazing about the professor is that he can not only read your potential thoughts in advance, but also summarize them into theoretical generalizations.

I even suspect that he had already guessed what you would say and what your concerns were before he came.

The professor was able to provide reports on Fred's attendance at the KKK rally down to the day.

I do admire Kissinger, but compared to the professor, Kissinger is far inferior.

Lin Ran didn't use any of the bargaining chips offered by Lyndon Johnson.

He felt it was completely unnecessary.

If Nixon had possessed even a modicum of political acumen, he would have made the right choice.

It wasn't entirely without any cost; the news and specific reports about Fred's involvement with the KKK were among the costs.

Even if Lyndon Johnson fails to uncover the truth, Lin Ran believes that Nixon will deliver a fatal blow to Fred at a crucial moment.

Information asymmetry is a bargaining chip.

It feels so good to get something for nothing.

"Mr. President, I've met with Nixon." After returning to his residence, Lin Ran dialed the White House office directly, and the White House Chief of Staff handed the call over to Lyndon Johnson.

"Professor, what was the result?" Lyndon Johnson asked.

He hoped Fred would run, both because Fred was a political novice and easier to deal with, and because he knew Nixon's strategy and that Nixon would also sabotage the campaign.

This means that Fred is beset by enemies both inside and outside, and is enjoying the same treatment as his son ahead of time.

Not only do they have to face attacks from the Donald Party, but they also have to face attacks from the pro-establishment parties.

What is inheritance? This is inheritance!

It's a bit strange that the father passed the mantle to the son.

"As expected, Nixon will do everything in his power to help Fred run for the Elephant Party presidential nomination."

"Besides, I convinced Nixon without mentioning the bargaining chips you mentioned," Lin Ran said.

“Okay, Professor, I’ll give you a surprise,” Lyndon Johnson said.

Before long, Lin Ran knew what the surprise was.

After Kennedy's assassination, Lyndon Johnson began pushing for civil rights legislation.

During a joint session of Congress on November 27, Johnson argued that no eulogy could better express respect for Kennedy than the passage of a bill in his honor.

Judiciary Committee Chairman Thaler requested that the bill be transferred from the Rules Committee to the full House of Representatives, but this proposal requires an absolute majority vote in the House.

At first, Thaler had difficulty gathering the signatures required for the proposal to take effect.

Even when the conference adjourned in the winter of 1963, Thaler still needed to win 50 more votes.

The situation deteriorated further after Kennedy's death and V's revelations.

The voices of resistance from ethnic minorities are growing increasingly fierce.

Finally, in January, the House of Representatives passed the Civil Rights Act, easing the tensions surrounding America.

Meanwhile, under pressure from Lyndon Johnson, Robert Kennedy voluntarily resigned as Attorney General. In exchange, he received the position of chairman of the Kennedy Commission to continue investigating the truth behind Kennedy's death.

James Webb was reassigned as Attorney General.

Most of America's high-ranking White House officials, or members of Congress, have legal backgrounds.

If the Brahman in the scientific field is mathematics, then in America's political sphere, the Brahman is almost unquestionably the law.

James Webb holds a Juris Doctor degree from George Washington University School of Law and is a barrister in the District of Columbia.

With the NASA administrator position vacant, everyone knew who Lyndon Johnson wanted to hand over the position to.

The Oval Office of the White House, with its enormous desk piled high with documents.

Johnson sat in the middle, next to his special assistant Walter Rostow.

Johnson leaned forward, clasped his hands tightly, and stared intently at Rostow: "Walter, I've been thinking about NASA."

Rostow nodded, speaking cautiously, "Johnson, of course I know who you're referring to. The professor is undoubtedly the best candidate. In today's fierce space race, he's the one who can ignite the public's imagination."

However, we still have a few minor issues to resolve. First, the professor is from a minority group; second, the professor is an American citizen who was not born in America; and third, the professor may, possibly, or probably be considered by some hardliners to have ties to Soviet Russia.

I certainly don't rule out appointing a professor as NASA administrator, but there are some issues we need to consider.

Johnson leaned back in his chair, tapping his fingers lightly on the table, a sly glint in his eyes:
“In the past, this might have seemed abrupt, but now, think about it, the Civil Rights Act is about to be passed, and the public has all sorts of questions about the White House.”

Our choice of a professor as NASA administrator sends a very clear signal: in America, every talented person can reach the top. This will also effectively quell current opposition from minority groups.

As for the professor's connection with the Soviet Union, do they have any evidence? And why didn't the Soviet Union take the professor away? The IA has been investigating for so long, have they found any evidence that the professor was related to the Soviet Union?
We must severely crack down on such malicious speculation!

Rostow frowned slightly, a hint of worry in his voice: "Mr. President, this is indeed a bold idea. But as you know, Congress, especially the Southern Democrats, is already very dissatisfied with the Civil Rights Act. Nominating a minority as NASA administrator could be controversial."

Johnson suddenly stood up, walked to the window, his back to Rostow, and spoke in a deep, powerful voice:
“Walter, I don’t care about controversy. I’m the president, and what we need to do now is move this country forward. The civil rights bill will pass, and the space program must continue to lead the way.”

Why not let the world's most renowned scientists lead us forward? We want to show the world that America's future belongs to everyone.

Rostow stood up, walked to Johnson's side, and said with an analytical tone, "Mr. President, I understand your vision. But we have to consider the Senate's reaction. Nominating a minority, especially now, could provoke a united front from Southerners and some Elephant Party members. I'm afraid they'll use that as an opportunity to attack you."

Johnson turned around, his gaze sharp, his voice booming:

“Let them object! I will lobby them myself. I will call Everett and tell him that this is America’s future, not a partisan issue. I will get Martin Luther King Jr. and civil rights leaders to publicly endorse this nomination. Walter, we cannot back down because we are afraid of controversy.”

Rostow took a deep breath and nodded. “You’re right, Mr. President. Aside from those three points, the professor is indeed an impeccable candidate, someone with a very high reputation in the scientific community who can represent minorities. This will be a historic moment for us.”

Johnson returned to the table, picked up a cigar, lit it, and exhaled a puff of smoke: "Do you know why I suddenly made up my mind?"

Rost shook his head and asked, "Why?"

Johnson said, "Because the NASA administrator needs more than just technical skills; he also needs political acumen and public charisma. Obviously, the professor in the past only lacked political acumen, and he was able to persuade Nixon without using political bargaining chips, which is no easy feat."

Nixon was a hardliner no less than I was.

Oh, you forgot to mention, what we need is someone who can convince the Americans that he can send us to the moon.

Lyndon Johnson proposed that Randolph Lin serve as NASA Administrator.

Since the NASA administrator is a senior executive position in the American government, similar to that of a minister.

The NASA administrator is considered a “principal official.” NASA was created under the National Aeronautics and Space Act of 1958, which stipulates that its administrator is nominated by the president and appointed after confirmation by the Senate.

The law clarifies that the NASA Administrator is a civilian (non-military) position responsible for leading NASA's scientific, technological, and administrative affairs, and reporting directly to the President.

The appointment process generally involves presidential nomination and Senate review, which is not a vote but a review.

It needs to be reviewed by the relevant committees, primarily the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation.

The committee holds hearings to assess the candidates’ qualifications, experience, and potential conflicts of interest.

After the hearing, the committee will submit the nomination to the full Senate, where it will require a simple majority vote of 51.

The most difficult part is actually the hearing; the subsequent voting is very easy.

根据阿美莉卡参议院历史办公室（Senate Historical Office）记录显示，第88届国会（1963-1965）驴党占67席，象党占33席。

The reason why the Civil Rights Act is so difficult is that it has a preliminary process called lengthy debate, which must be passed before it can enter the formal legislative process.

The most critical hurdle to passing the Civil Rights Act is obtaining 67 votes (two-thirds) to end the lengthy debate. Once the lengthy debate ends, the final vote on the bill will only require 51 votes.

At the time, many conservative Democratic Party members in the Southern states were completely unwilling to pass the Civil Rights Act.

The hearing was held in the Senate Commerce, Science, and Transportation Committee hearing room.

The atmosphere in the hearing room grew even more tense, with a strong smell of tobacco filling the air, and reporters' fingers flying across the typewriters.

In addition to members of parliament, attendees included journalists and representatives of civil rights organizations.

Senator Magnusson, a Democratic senator from Washington state, struck the gavel as chair, his voice sounding slightly weary.

"Ladies and gentlemen, this hearing is now beginning. We will be reviewing the nomination of Professor Randolph Lin. Professor, please be prepared to answer questions regarding technical details and security."

Lin Ran stood up, straightened his suit, and said, "Mr. Chairman, fellow committee members, I am ready."

The reporters in the audience were whispering among themselves.

"Jenny, does the professor still need to answer technical details?" a reporter asked.

Jenny said helplessly in a low voice, "This is a routine procedure; the most crucial part is the security review."

Senator Kucher reviewed the documents, his tone gentle yet focused:
"Professor Lin, you mentioned optimizing the management of the Apollo program."

Please explain in detail how you will handle the testing delays of the Saturn V rocket.

Lin Ran replied, "Senator, the delay in the Saturn V test was mainly due to the stability issues of the liquid fuel system."

I communicated directly with Dr. Wernher von Braun to prioritize resolving vibration issues in the thruster design.

At the same time, I will increase the frequency of mock tests from once a month to once every two weeks to identify and resolve issues more quickly.

This will require additional funding, but I believe that by streamlining other non-critical projects, we can achieve a balanced budget.

After hearing this, everyone had only one thought: That's amazing.

Generally speaking, this kind of thing is handled by experts or senior engineers.

At most, it's about allocating resources reasonably from a human resources perspective.

But when it came to the professor, I was the one who directly handled the situation and took charge of it.

The problem is, there's really no one who doesn't believe the professor can't do it.

Senator McClane frowned, tapping his fingers on the table, and said in a cold tone, "Professor, your mention of 'extra funding' worries me."

NASA is already a money-devouring beast.

Can you guarantee that these adjustments won't cost taxpayers an extra penny?

Lin Ran replied, "I cannot promise not to increase the budget, but my goal is to avoid overspending through internal optimization."

For example, I would reassess existing contracts, eliminate redundant consulting fees, and prioritize the use of existing testing facilities.

I will then submit a detailed financial plan to the committee to ensure that every expenditure is worthwhile.

However, I must point out that the budget and schedule are linked. No matter how capable I am, I cannot ignore the budget and artificially accelerate the schedule.

Senator Thurmond asked, "If you were to become NASA's administrator, you would be the first senior federal bureaucrat of a minority ethnicity. Would you increase the number of minority employees within NASA to reflect America's diversity?"

The term "senior bureaucrat" here refers to positions in the federal government that require nomination by the president and confirmation by the Senate.

Previously, there were only Black ambassadors, such as the ambassadors to Finland and Romania.

The first minority cabinet member in the White House didn't arrive until Lyndon Johnson in 1966, when Robert Weaver became Secretary of Housing and Urban Development.

From this perspective, Lin Ran really is number one.

“I will work to increase the number of minority employees within NASA, but not just for the veneer of diversity goals, but to fundamentally reform an institution that has long neglected marginalized groups.”

Let me explain from a deeper perspective. NASA is a symbol of technology and power, but its structure, its hiring practices, its promotion system, and its culture reflect broader inequalities in American society.

Minorities, whether African American, Hispanic, Asian, or Indigenous, have long been excluded from the core of science and technology.

This exclusion is not due to a lack of ability, but rather to an implicit ideology that defines white men as leaders and innovators in technology.

This idea is wrong and dangerous because it limits our ability to bring together all the talent in the world, which is exactly what the space race needs – the contributions of every genius.

As an institution, NASA relies too heavily on instrumental rationality, pursuing efficiency and results while neglecting social justice. Our hiring processes, our engineering teams, and even our public image have inadvertently reinforced an unequal power structure.

Critically speaking, this structure not only oppresses minorities but also undermines NASA's own potential. How could we defeat the Soviet Union if we continued to ignore more than half of our talent pool? How could we achieve our dream of landing on the moon?

I know some might question: Won't this lower NASA's standards? My answer is: Quite the opposite. The real standards are talent and dedication, and these qualities transcend skin color.

Ignoring the potential of minorities is a betrayal of standards.

I will, provided I am competent in the position, provide more opportunities for ethnic minorities.

The reporters below the stage were frantically taking notes on Lin Ran's speech. In today's context of the intertwining of Kennedy's death and the Civil Rights Act, Lin Ran's answer was undoubtedly inspiring.

Lin Ran thought to himself, "You guys have been working on diversity for so many years, it's not too much for me to help you with it ahead of time, is it?"

Lin Ran certainly wouldn't do anything like hiring a large number of Black people, but he did set the precedent.

After he leaves, NASA's tendency to prioritize race over ability and its reliance on minority groups will become inevitable.

This deviation was inevitable.

　I've written over 10,000 words, please vote with monthly tickets!

　　
　
(End of this chapter)