Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

"General Secretary, what are your instructions?"

“I need you to investigate something for me,” Slava said. “Investigate Gorbachev’s lifestyle—how much money he embezzled during his tenure, and how many extravagant privileges he enjoyed. The Forros villa, special supplies, foreign exchange… I need a detailed account.”

Chebrikov paused for a moment on the other end of the phone, then replied in a knowing tone:

"Understood, Comrade General Secretary! I'll make the arrangements immediately!"

Chebrikov had a unique understanding of this task.

In his view, Slava's purpose in investigating Gorbachev's economic problems was crystal clear—he wanted to "follow Khrushchev's example" at the upcoming Central Committee plenary session.

In 1956, Khrushchev delivered his famous secret report at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, comprehensively exposing Stalin's personality cult and various problems, thereby thoroughly establishing his own political position and liquidating Stalin's legacy.

Chebrikov believed that Slavacha Gorbachev's economic problems were intended to be presented in a secret report to Gorbachev at the Central Committee plenary session, using Gorbachev's corruption and hypocrisy to thoroughly and politically negate him, thereby consolidating the legitimacy of the new regime.

With this understanding, Chebrikov attached great importance to this task. He immediately conveyed Slava's "hint"—to prepare materials to expose and criticize Gorbachev for the Central Committee plenary session—to the KGB staff.

The KGB was extremely efficient.

That evening, Slava's secretary came to the General Secretary's office with an official document.

"General Secretary, the KGB's preliminary investigation report is out."

Slava took the document and opened it.

"The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union's Control Committee"

Main Economic Counterintelligence Directorate of the Committee for State Security of the USSR

Joint notification

Report on the Review of Comrade Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev's Use of State Funds During His Tenure as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee

In accordance with the resolution of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, the Party Control Commission, in conjunction with the Main Economic Counterintelligence Directorate of the State Security Committee, conducted a preliminary review of the use of special funds, special supplies, and state services by Comrade Gorbachev from his assumption of office as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee on March 11, 1985, to the date of the establishment of this Commission (a total calculation period of 22 months). The verified amounts as of the date of this notification are as follows, in thousands of rubles.

Slava's gaze fell upon the long list of accounting entries:

Construction and subsequent renovation costs of the Forros National Villa in Crimea: 18750.00

Salary for personnel responsible for the daily maintenance, heating, and supplies of the guard company at the Barviha and Usovo-IV state villas, as well as ancillary services: 1234.50

Laying, maintenance, and radio shielding facilities for the high-frequency communication network leased by the Central Government of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union—614.30

The KGB Ninth Directorate allocated 1108.72 yuan to increase the number of security personnel (41 in total) for the General Secretary and his family.

Comrade Raisa Maksimovna Gorbacheva's expenditures in foreign exchange and "Little Birch Tree" foreign exchange certificates during her trip abroad: 892.40

Fuel, maintenance, and driver wages for the General Secretary's special motorcade (14 vehicles in total) amounted to 428.16.

The Kremlin's special canteen and the second canteen on Granovsky Street provide monthly special rations of 357.84.

Specialized medical services and imported drug procurement provided by the Fourth Main Directorate of the USSR Ministry of Health to the Gorbachev family – 156.30

The Ministry of Culture's expenditure on copyright fees, subtitle translation, and film purchase for screening Western films not yet imported to the General Secretary's official residence: 120.00

Total – 23662.22

The note in the document states: This table only lists verified direct expenditures, excluding foreign exchange payments for special purchases during Comrade Raisa's visit (still under verification), the portion of the Crimean regional budget misappropriated during the construction of the Forros Villa (not yet settled), and expenses under the "informal receptions" item of the General Secretary's Office (not included in this review).

In other words, the 23 million is only the verified expenditure; the actual figure is likely much higher!

Slava closed the file and let out a long sigh.

“He shouts about fighting corruption every day,” he muttered to himself, “yet he built a villa worth tens of millions.”

He thought of the workers in the Ural Mountains who had toiled alongside him in the factory, lived in cramped dormitories, and had to conserve hot water; he thought of the farmers in Smolensk who fed their pigs bread to save on feed costs; he thought of Khabarovsk, the border city where the average living space per person was only twelve square meters...

Meanwhile, in the villa districts of western Moscow and along the Crimean coast, state villas were springing up, special rations were being distributed monthly, and ZIL cars were speeding along dedicated lanes.

Two worlds.

Slava knew that this system of privileges, this widening gap between officials and the people, was a malignant tumor growing inside the body of this country! If it was not curbed, it would sooner or later hollow out the country from within!

But he also knew that touching this system meant touching the interests of the entire ruling class—it would be a more difficult and longer struggle than overthrowing Gorbachev.

The new struggle never ends.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

On May 6, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union convened a plenary session.

This was a pivotal meeting where Slava formally established his leadership and announced a new development path to the entire party. Under the watchful eyes of hundreds of Central Committee members, Slava stepped onto the podium.

Without lengthy opening remarks or formulaic, empty platitudes, Slava got straight to the point, stating the direction he wanted to lead the country in:

"Comrades, today I want to present to the whole Party and the people of the whole country the development path of our country in the new era."

He paused for a moment, his gaze sweeping over the faces below the stage.

"The core of this path is to achieve socialist modernization."

Bonus Chapter: Public Trial of Yeltsin

I got really into writing the final version, so I'm creating a separate bonus chapter. This chapter is free and will be considered part of tonight's update.

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On May 14, 1987, Yeltsin was sentenced to fifteen years of deprivation of his freedom.

On May 20, 1987, the Special Tribunal of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics held a court debate. In accordance with the relevant provisions of the Criminal Procedure Law of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, Yeltsin, as the defendant, had the right to defend himself in court.

He was well-prepared—according to KGB records, he repeatedly requested paper and pen during the preliminary hearing, writing and tearing them up, saying he wanted to "let the whole world hear the truth" in court.

What exactly did he prepare?

Initially, he wanted to write a long political statement, a declaration more powerful than any Politburo resolution. He asked the detention center for Lenin's collected works and a compilation of documents from the 27th Congress of the CPSU, saying he wanted to "respond to them with Lenin's words."

After several days of struggling, whether it was because his hands were trembling and he couldn't hold the pen, or because he simply couldn't organize his thoughts, the declaration remained unfinished. The KGB records state:

"The defendant was agitated that day and demanded more food. When refused, he smashed an enamel mug."

In the end, he wrote only three thin pages, titled "My Defense".

At 9:5 a.m. on May 20, 1987, the court police rang the opening bell.

The President, Vice President and Presiding Judge of the Special Court, along with fifteen judges, appeared in court, with the Vice President presiding over the court debate.

Host: "Bring the defendant, Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin, to court."

The court police escorted Yeltsin to the defendant's dock.

The presiding officer announced: "The Special Prosecutor's Office of the USSR has accused the defendant Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin of crimes. This court has held several hearings to investigate, and now we will proceed with the court debate."

Prosecutor: "Presiding Judge, Your Honors, the prosecutor requests to speak."

Host: "The prosecutor may speak."

Prosecutor: "Defendant Yeltsin, listen up!"

Prosecutor: "Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin's crimes of engaging in counter-revolutionary propaganda and agitation, splitting the party and the state, and plotting to overthrow the Soviet regime between 1985 and 1987 have been fully confirmed by the Special Prosecutor's Office's charges after several court investigations and interrogations, the presentation and reading of documentary evidence and testimonies, the hearing of witnesses in court, and the playback of a recording of the defendant's speech at a Moscow City Committee meeting!

The investigation has now determined that his main crimes are as follows:

First, during his tenure as First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee, the defendant seriously violated the Party's organizational discipline and the code of conduct for leading cadres. Extensive firsthand evidence proves that the defendant had a long-term alcohol addiction, resulting in clear medical records of alcohol dependence within the medical system.

He was known for his heavy drinking during his time working for the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee, and his subordinates had to arrange for him to sober up before important meetings. After being transferred to Moscow, his condition worsened rather than improved.

The defendant was rude and domineering towards his subordinates, frequently losing control of his emotions and slamming his fist on the table during Politburo and municipal party committee meetings, as documented in the meeting minutes. Such conduct makes him utterly unfit for a senior leadership position within the Party.

Second, the defendant was obsessed with personality cult and self-promotion. During his tenure in Sverdlovsk, he allowed his subordinates to tremble with fear and treat him like a god; after being transferred to the central government, he deliberately performed acts of "taking the bus to work" and "queuing at ordinary stores" in front of the public and the media to build his personal image and seek fame and fortune. In reality, his words and actions were inconsistent and contradictory!

Third, and most seriously: the defendants used the guise of reform to engage in activities aimed at splitting the country and inciting subversion. They openly attacked the Party Central Committee and its line, spread defeatism and Western bourgeois ideology, advocated dissolving the ties between the constituent republics, and attempted to undermine the foundations of the Soviet system and subvert the dictatorship of the proletariat through radical reforms!

During the period of isolation and investigation, the defendant showed no remorse and, after drinking heavily one night, forcibly broke through the guard and caused a disturbance in public, making a scene and causing extremely bad influence.

PS: This incident happened in the past, during the Moscow River Bridge incident in September 1989. He claimed that he was thrown into the river from the bridge by opposition members, but more evidence points to him falling in while intoxicated.

"The defendant's actions violated the relevant provisions of the Criminal Law concerning the crimes of counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement, conspiracy to subvert the government, and organizing a counter-revolutionary group. The harm to the country and the people was particularly serious, and the circumstances were particularly egregious. He should be severely punished."

It must be pointed out that the defendant refused to plead guilty during the court investigation and repeatedly disrupted court order, which constitutes continuing criminal behavior. The court is requested to impose a severe sentence.

That concludes my remarks.

Host: "Defendant Yeltsin, according to the law, you have the right to make a statement and defend yourself, and you also have the right to make a final statement."

Yeltsin: "Then go ahead and convict me according to your own grounds. I'll await your trial. If you're so capable, take me to Red Square for a public trial and execute me!"

Host: "Whether or not you are executed will be determined by the court in accordance with the law based on the facts of your crime."

Yeltsin: "Stop pretending and acting. Without me as a prop, this play can't go on! If you have the guts, bring out your backstage director and call that shorty Ivanov here. I want to confront him face to face!"

Host: "I'm warning you! You are not allowed to insult the law, you are not allowed to insult the General Secretary..."

Yeltsin: "I'm like a monk with an umbrella, lawless and unrestrained. I'm not afraid of you! I wasn't afraid of Andropov or Ligachev, so why would I be afraid of you?"

Host: "The court investigated a great deal of facts and gave you ample time to defend yourself, yet you used the courtroom for counter-revolutionary propaganda..."

Yeltsin: "You are the counter-revolutionary!"

Host: "You insulted the court, which constitutes a new crime..."

Yeltsin: "So what if I'm shot! I've been drinking vodka for half my life, I'm not even afraid of death. You can sentence me to a few more years, I'll endure a few more years—all you're going to do is behead me, I'm Hydra, you cut off one head, I'll grow another one!"

The host rang the bell as a warning: "If you continue to disrupt the court, your right to defense will be revoked."

Yeltsin stood up: "Fine, I'll read 'My Defense' aloud. You don't object, do you?"

Host: "You can read it."

So Yeltsin picked up two pages, stood up, and read aloud "My Defense." The title seemed relatively restrained; it was merely a defense. It's said that this was because he wanted to emulate Lenin—whose defense, written during his exile, was incisive and scathing, tearing down countless hypocrites.

His current work, "My Defense," is less than two pages long. It is written horizontally with a fountain pen, the handwriting is crooked and messy, and the ink is sometimes thick and sometimes thin, as if the hand holding the pen is always trembling.

However, his sentences, slurred with vodka, were full of gunpowder, a drunken manifesto:

"His words were a veiled attack on the Tsar. He betrayed his country for personal gain, thus giving others ammunition against him."

The key issue has two approaches:

Taking the people's suffering as the guiding principle, everything falls into place, thus refreshing politics;

Using privileged villas as a framework, they confuse private interests with public ones, thus corrupting the Party and the state.

Indulging in extravagance and debauchery, their true colors are revealed.

To cover up corruption and paint a rosy picture of peace.

He usurped a high position and deceived the world to steal a reputation.

They put on airs and spread misinformation.

A colossal lie to conceal the truth.

Stealing the sky and changing the sun, engaging in despicable acts of manipulation.

Misattributing a crime to another is like framing someone; substituting one thing for another is like plotting against someone.

To divert public attention and frame honest people.

They shamelessly boasted about themselves in an attempt to cover up their crimes.

They fabricated false accusations against reformists and silenced those in the know.

One's hands cannot conceal the truth from the public; bureaucracy is like a mantis trying to stop a chariot.

The true driving force behind the making of history is the awakened people.

Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin, May 1987 manuscript

After reading it, Yeltsin continued, "I will fight for the truth!"

My statement is as follows: You have used the name of the state to cobble together some kind of special court and fabricated a whole bunch of charges against me. They are all—nitpicking, and none of these charges are valid!

Everything I did in the past was in accordance with the Party's resolutions. I may have made mistakes and deviated from the correct path in my work, but it was by no means a crime.

There's an old saying, "To criticize someone while pointing at the mulberry tree, one must be referring to the Tsar." That's exactly the kind of trick you're using.

Now you are arresting and trying me to shut up all those who want to tell the truth, to keep the millions of ordinary people queuing up to buy bread from their eyes closed, and to exonerate those parasites sitting in their specially supplied villas.

Regarding this issue (referring to the debate between radical and moderate reformers), I have stated my opinion many times. You can condemn me however you like; I have no objection to it.

Now you're trying to overthrow me and silence the reformists; you're all against the people, against Gorbachev, and against the promises this party itself made. Do you think the entire Soviet people will agree to that?!

I have another issue now, which is being accountable to the people. Now we're speaking the truth. There's a saying among the people in my hometown, the Ural Mountains: "When beating a dog, you have to consider the owner's feelings," meaning that even when beating a dog, you should consider the owner's reputation.

But now you're attacking even the master—the people are the masters of this country. I am just a dog of the people, and for the people, I am not afraid of your attacks!

On this party's political chessboard, although I am just a pawn, I am a pawn that has crossed the river.