Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

"Damn it! Mikhail, you idiot! How could you—my God!"

Reagan quickly hung up the phone and got out of bed, wide awake.

Nancy asked softly, "Ronnie, what happened?"

Reagan answered as he dressed, his voice heavy with seriousness: "A coup has occurred in the Soviet Union, and Gorbachev has stepped down. A more pragmatic person, and one who poses a greater threat to us, is about to become their new leader."

Nancy looked at him with concern, gave him a hug, and said, "Take care of yourself, Ronnie."

Reagan didn't have time to explain further; he kissed her on the cheek and immediately picked up the phone to dial the Secretary of State's number.

“George! Gather everyone immediately—the National Security Council, the Department of Defense, the CIA, the Joint Chiefs of Staff…everyone! Get to the White House now. We must assess this immediately.”

-

At midnight on April 29, 1987, all the lights in Washington, D.C. were turned on.

The Pentagon was brightly lit. Agents, commissioners, and generals from various departments were dragged out of bed by a series of urgent phone calls. Sleepy-eyed senior officials rushed to their offices and meeting rooms to discuss the chain reactions that this dramatic change in the superpower across the ocean would trigger.

What does the change of leadership in the Soviet Union signify? What kind of foreign policy will the new leadership adopt? How will the difficult nuclear disarmament negotiations following Reykjavik be affected?

What changes will occur in Warsaw? What will happen to Eastern Europe? Will this coup plunge the Soviet Union into internal turmoil, or will it become even more difficult to manage under a tougher, more pragmatic leader?

Countless questions were discussed repeatedly in Washington that midnight.

The CIA is the one most overwhelmed.

CIA analysts were working frantically—they needed to figure out what was happening in Moscow as quickly as possible. But just months earlier, the KGB, through Ames's defection, had uprooted the CIA's intelligence network within the Soviet Union, and dozens of agents had been arrested!

The CIA's ears and eyes in the Soviet Union were severely damaged in that attack, and now, when they needed firsthand intelligence from Moscow the most, they found themselves almost deaf and blind.

Unfortunately, with most of the high-ranking spies rounded up, the United States had little chance of obtaining firsthand intelligence from within the Soviet Communist Party and could only piece together clues bit by bit through lower-level informants.

The agents called upon their remaining informants, hoping to get the latest news from the Soviet Union as soon as possible. At the same time, they sifted through all the files on Ivanov—the files on this suddenly rising Soviet leader—attempting to create the most in-depth possible personal analysis and character profile of this man who was about to become America's number one adversary.

What kind of person was Ivanov?

What is his background? What are his political beliefs? How will he treat the United States? What are his weaknesses?

The answers to these questions will determine the United States’ next strategy toward the Soviet Union, and the CIA has very little information at this time.

What puzzled the CIA even more was that Ivanov's early career was very vague. It was as if he suddenly appeared on the Soviet political stage in the early 1980s, and no one knew about his previous experiences. This ambiguity made CIA analysts both wary and at a loss.

The entire security and intelligence apparatus in Washington was thrown into chaos that midnight, thrown into disarray by the rise of that short man across the ocean.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

In the news media, this "accidental leak" that shocked the world also triggered a chain reaction.

Upon learning of the coup attempt in the Soviet Union, the editorial departments of major international media outlets worked overtime to prepare to urgently change their headlines.

An emergency meeting is being held in the editorial office of Time magazine.

The headline for the upcoming issue of Time magazine, originally scheduled for next Monday, has already been decided – a special feature commemorating the 5th anniversary of the victory in World War II, since May 8th is just around the corner, the day Nazi Germany surrendered.

From 1945 to 1985, the 40th anniversary of the victory in the anti-fascist war was an important and memorable historical juncture. The editorial department prepared a carefully planned cover and report for this occasion.

But now all of that has to change.

"Take down the headline about the 40th anniversary of World War II!" the editor-in-chief ordered at the meeting. "Replace it with the Soviet coup! Gorbachev stepping down, Ivanov taking power—that's the biggest news in the world this week!"

The editorial department was in chaos. The original cover was withdrawn, and the designers urgently began creating a new one.

The new cover features the short man – Velikoslav Ivanovich Ivanov.

That not-so-handsome round face, that unusually short figure among the Soviet leaders, will appear on the cover of the next issue of Time magazine, in front of countless readers around the world!

This is a man who was unknown a few years ago but rose to the pinnacle of Soviet power through a coup, a man whom Western analysts consider more dangerous than Gorbachev.

His image replaced the commemorative feature for the 40th anniversary of the end of World War II, becoming the most talked-about face in the world this week.

Editors worked through the night, and the printing presses worked overtime. That night, countless reports about Ivanov, the Soviet coup, and how this power shift would change the world order would let the world know that a new era had arrived.

The eyes of the entire Western world were focused on this dwarf overnight.

The world is ready to hear his voice.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

Beijing, April 29

The Soviet Embassy in China also informed China of this news—Gorbachev had retired due to health reasons, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was undergoing a leadership reshuffle, and Ivanov would become the new leader of the Soviet Union.

The news quickly reached Zhongnanhai. For China, this dramatic change in the Soviet Union was equally significant.

After decades of deterioration and confrontation, Sino-Soviet relations are in a delicate and slow thawing process. Previously, the Soviet Union had made concessions on the border issue, sending a positive signal for the normalization of Sino-Soviet relations.

Now, with Gorbachev's sudden resignation and a new pragmatic leader about to take charge of the Soviet Union, this presents both a variable that needs to be reassessed and a potential new opportunity for China, which is cautiously advancing its reform and opening-up and needs a stable external environment.

However, China is not overly worried because Ivanov had already demonstrated his sincerity in fostering friendship several years ago. From the Andropov era to Chernenko, and then to Gorbachev, the Soviet Union had already completed its withdrawal from Afghanistan ahead of schedule, gradually withdrawn its armed forces from Vietnam, transferred some of its troops stationed in Mongolia to the South Caucasus, and continuously strengthened border trade...

This is bound to be a new opportunity.

The news was quickly reported to Deng Xixian.

How would he view this dramatic change in the Soviet Union? Would he send his foreign minister to Moscow to attend Ivanov's inaugural address? Would he bring any new negotiating intentions with him on this trip to Moscow?

Moreover, the Soviet Union's reform path is different from China's. Ivanov seems uninterested in expanding the market economy and privatization. So, will he clash with them in the future?

What kind of relationship will China and the Soviet Union, two major powers exploring reforms in different directions, take at this new historical juncture?

Deng Xixian listened quietly to the report about the coup in the Soviet Union, pondering his next move.

He and Ivanov shared a mutual respect due to their similar past experiences. He understood that, for both of them, the formulation and implementation of foreign policy always took national interests as the starting point and goal.

In short, let's prepare to send a delegation first; he also wants to see what his former big brother looks like now.

Outside the window is the summer night scene of Beijing, while thousands of kilometers away in Moscow, a new era is slowly unfolding.

Chapter 68 Leaving the Mountain

"Crack!"

The axe fell, and the firewood split open with a crack.

Slava raised his axe and brought it down again. The weather in the Ural Mountains was still cold at the end of April, but sweat was already beading on his forehead and his clothes were soaked through.

Chopping wood was one of the tasks assigned to him by the machine factory. In this place, ostensibly for "guiding agricultural construction" but actually for labor reform, Slava did all the most physically demanding manual labor—

Operating machines in the workshop, moving materials, and, like now, chopping piles of firewood in a corner of the factory area.

For someone in their forties, 1.65 meters tall, weighing 70 kilograms, who had previously spent most of their time dealing with documents, data, and meetings, this kind of heavy physical labor was a real ordeal.

"Crack!"

Every swing of the axe required all his strength, and after chopping a pile of firewood, he was exhausted and his back ached.

But he didn't complain. During his time in the Urals, Slava had undergone a transformation. The burning anger he once felt had long since subsided into something calmer and more resolute. He knew that these days of labor reform would eventually end—as his mentor had told him before leaving.

All he has to do is hold on, be patient, and wait.

"boom!"

Finally, the last piece of firewood was split open.

Slava put down his axe, walked to the steps outside the workshop, sat down, and took out a towel from his pocket that was so worn that its original color was no longer visible, wiping the sweat from his face and neck.

The wind from the Ural Mountains carried a chilly gust, and his sweat-soaked body felt a bit cold in the wind, but the moment he sat down to rest, he felt a rare sense of relief.

"Hoo..." "Beep beep beep!"

Just then, he heard the sound of a car engine.

Several cars pulled up at the factory gate. Slava looked up, somewhat puzzled—

This place is located deep in the Ural Mountains, so remote that even postmen don't like to come here often, and there are usually no outside convoys driving here!

"Comrade Ivanov! You've suffered!"

Several officials got out of the car, along with the local Party Secretary.

These people came from the district—they already knew everything that had happened in Moscow, and they knew about Slava's rehabilitation. But the people in the factory didn't know; after all, the place was too remote and isolated, and it took time for news to reach them.

In the eyes of the factory's cadres, Slava was still that problematic cadre who had been sent down for labor reform due to his questionable status.

As soon as the cadres from the district entered the factory gate, they saw Slava sitting on the steps, covered in sweat, dressed in disheveled clothes, with a wood-chopping axe beside him.

"Who gave this order! Who!"

Their expressions changed instantly; something terrible had happened! We're doomed! We're doomed!

This is a man who was about to become the top leader of the Soviet Union, and he was made to look so pathetic here. If this gets out, who can bear the consequences?

Even if the district secretary had a hundred heads, it wouldn't be enough to chop them off!

Several cadres from the district immediately stepped forward. Some took off their coats and draped them over Slava, some took out clean handkerchiefs to wipe Slava's sweat, and some frantically tried to remove the axe, as if it were some kind of evidence of a crime.

Clang!

This cadre, who had never lifted a finger in his life, had clearly never done heavy work. His hand slipped and he knocked the axe to the ground. The district secretary looked at the cadre with disappointment and tried to kick the axe away, but he underestimated its weight. His toe hit the heaviest part of the hammer, and he immediately wore a mask of pain.

"Alright, alright, stop making such a big fuss. You're all educated people who don't do much manual labor. I think we can encourage you to do frontline work so you can experience firsthand the working conditions of manual laborers."

Slava was amused by this scene. He waved his hand, picked up his axe, and swung it at the wooden stake. With a bang, the axe got stuck in the stake.

"Don't let my short stature fool you, I'm a real workhorse. In the Far East, I worked in the fields, and in Uzbekistan, I rode in that old, beat-up cart to the cotton fields. Those are all valuable experiences I've gained."

“Yes, we should indeed work harder, Comrade Ivanov,” the district secretary quickly agreed.

“Our Party’s cadres can’t do without working. Let me give you an example, like Comrade Ivanova. She’s much better at working than you. She can carry 200 jin of wheat for ten li without switching shoulders!”

Slava was speaking proudly when suddenly a few people from the factory came out and interrupted them.

"and many more!"

The factory's Party Secretary was taken aback by the sudden and large convoy of vehicles. He assumed that someone from above had come to tighten control, so he tried to approach as usual.

"Comrades, who are you taking away?" the factory's Party Secretary asked.

The district party secretary glanced at him and said calmly, "Take a leader away."

The factory's Party Committee Secretary was completely bewildered: "Leader?"

The district secretary paused for a moment, then said, word by word, "Comrade Velikoslav Ivanovich Ivanov."

He paused, looking at the increasingly confused face of the factory's Party Secretary, and added:

"—Or rather, General Secretary Ivanov."

The factory's Party Committee Secretary was stunned. Then the District Secretary produced a document and read it aloud on the spot—it was a resolution from the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to exonerate Slava, restore him to all his posts, and withdraw all investigations and charges against him.

Every word of the resolution read aloud struck the hearts of the factory's cadres. Those who had bullied Slava—those who had assigned him the heaviest work, withheld his pay, prevented him from showering, and echoed the higher-ups' narrative, calling him an anti-Party element, an ambitious schemer, a Western spy, and a traitor—all turned pale.

They realized they were in deep trouble.

A man who had been subjected to all sorts of difficulties and humiliation by them suddenly became the supreme leader of the entire Soviet Union.

They seemed to already see their future in Siberia.

"It's alright, comrades," Slava waved his hand.

He stood up, straightened the coat draped over his shoulders, and wore a peaceful smile that suggested he had experienced many hardships.

"Comrades, don't be nervous," he said, his voice devoid of any resentment or smugness. "I, Ivanov, have experienced this many times before."

He looked at the apprehensive factory cadres and slowly said:

"In my life, I've experienced three rises and three falls. I haven't improved in any other skills, but I excel at one thing—endurance."

He paused for a moment: "Patience is not admitting defeat; patience is about being open-minded and able to endure!"

The officials stared at him blankly.

“It’s all that I’ve been through,” Slava said, his gaze sweeping across the factory floor as he drifted into memories.

"They shaped my thinking and my way of dealing with people. Without these ups and downs, I wouldn't be who I am today."

He looked at those who had once made things difficult for him and shook his head:

“I don’t blame you. Who can you blame? You were just following Comrade Gorbachev’s orders. You did whatever he told you to do to me—you had no choice.”

These words were like a pardon to the cadres who thought they were about to face a great disaster. They looked at the person they had humiliated who treated them with such leniency and were filled with shame and gratitude.

Slava did not rush to leave. He said to the factory's Party Secretary and the district Party Secretary, "Before I leave, I want to take one last look at this factory area."

“I’ve been here for so long, but I’ve been confined to the room and workshop. I haven’t really had a proper look around this factory yet. I hope you can show me around.”

The factory's Party Secretary and the district Party Secretary naturally wouldn't refuse—accompanying the General Secretary on a walk was something they couldn't ask for.