Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

He concluded his talks with Honecker in East Germany and boarded a plane back home—unaware that in the few hours he was gone, the city he was about to land in had undergone a complete transformation.

His communications were cut off after the plane took off, and he is now unable to contact any point in Moscow.

Perhaps he had already vaguely sensed something was wrong during the flight—

Why can't we get in touch with the Kremlin? Why is there a communication failure on the special plane?

But he couldn't possibly imagine what awaited him.

According to the plan, Ligachev was to call the provincial party secretaries and the first secretaries of the constituent republics to personally confirm their obedience.

This action was extremely time-consuming, but it was indeed necessary. A significant portion of the Central Committee members were party secretaries from various regions and constituent republics. For the resolutions of the Central Committee to truly possess authority and for this power transition to be accepted nationwide, the obedience of these local power brokers had to be ensured!

After all, politics is ultimately carried out by people, not by a position.

This confirmation of loyalty could not be accomplished with a single notice; Ligachev had to personally call each of these people one by one, telling them what had happened, what the new power structure was, and what the central government needed them to do.

This task will take at least eight hours. Ligachev, as the party affairs chief and the second secretary who has dealt with local party secretaries for many years, is the most suitable person to do this job.

In order to more effectively persuade these local forces—in order to tell the provincial party secretaries that "Gorbachev himself has signed a statement of resignation" when he called them—Ligachev decided to first pressure Gorbachev to step down.

Meanwhile, in an effort to ease Ligachev's workload, the military chose to make a public statement in the news. Defense Minister Sokolov issued a statement:

"The Soviet armed forces were determined to safeguard national stability, maintain the normal functioning of state organs, and preserve social order..."

Immediately following this, all the major military districts expressed their support for the Central Committee's decision. From the Belarusian Military District in the west to the Far Eastern Military District, from the North Caucasus Military District to the Central Asian Military District, telegrams expressing loyalty were sent to Moscow.

The military is on the side of the new power structure. Anyone who wants to rebel or overthrow Gorbachev must carefully consider the consequences after seeing the military's attitude.

This signal was primarily intended for local power brokers and Central Committee members who had not yet expressed their stance.

The military has already chosen sides; they had better think it through.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

Gorbachev's plane landed at Vnukovo Airport.

This is the Kremlin's private airport. As the gangway was lowered, Gorbachev stepped out of the aircraft.

Everything seemed normal at the airport; his convoy was waiting for him, and the KGB's Ninth Directorate guards were protecting him as usual. Perhaps at that moment, the vague unease that had accumulated during the flight eased slightly—

Everything seemed the same as usual.

A few minutes later, the convoy left the airport and headed toward the Kremlin.

The rain has stopped. The streets of Moscow are still wet after last night's downpour, and the air is filled with the fresh scent of rain.

"Om-"

The convoy entered the Kremlin through the entrance to the Holy Trinity Tower, the most frequently used entrance by Politburo members. To avoid alerting them, only KGB agents secretly blocked the entrance, and the tanks and infantry fighting vehicles were removed.

The car stopped at the side entrance of the Senate building.

As he got off the train, someone came up to him and respectfully told Gorbachev, "Mikhail Sergeyevich, the comrades of the Politburo are waiting for you in the Walnut Hall. They have important matters to discuss."

Oh, the walnut wood hall.

Gorbachev did not suspect anything; the Walnut Hall was an internal space where the core members of the Politburo handled sensitive matters, and it seemed reasonable to hold an emergency small-scale meeting there.

He walked into the Senate building.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

There was a KGB Ninth Bureau guard on duty in the lobby on the first floor. His bodyguard was still with him, but several special agents in civilian clothes had appeared behind him.

"Ding!"

Gorbachev walked toward the elevator. He took it to the third floor and then walked along the corridor he had walked countless times toward the Walnut Hall.

He passed by the door of the General Secretary's office in the corridor.

The door was closed, and the lights were off.

If his attention had been sharp enough, he might have paused at this detail. But he didn't. He was still immersed in the realization that "I am the General Secretary who has returned to handle affairs," and strode through the door that once belonged to him but had now closed to him.

He continued walking forward, passing through the outer room of the secretariat.

His secretary was not there either.

At this hour, there should be people in the outer room of the secretariat, and his familiar staff should be busy, but at this moment it is unusually quiet and empty.

Gorbachev slowed his pace for a moment, and a sense of unease began to rise in his heart.

When he reached the door to the Walnut Hall, his bodyguards were left outside.

It was the rule that no one except those authorized to attend meetings could enter the Walnut Hall. Gorbachev's guards could only follow him to the outer room of the secretariat.

As he entered the Walnut Hall, in the outer room of the secretariat behind him, the reliable detachments of the KGB's Ninth Directorate, which had been reorganized by Chebrkov, replaced Gorbachev's guards under the pretext of reporting to their superiors.

The guards surrendered their weapons and obediently took another route downstairs. They were locked in a small dark room as soon as they turned the corner.

"Squeak-"

Gorbachev pushed open the door to the walnut hall.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

In the walnut wood room, a green table lamp casts a soft light, which falls on the dark walnut wood wall panels, reflecting a warm and somber luster.

The sound-absorbing material on the walls made all sounds in the room sound exceptionally low.

Gorbachev immediately sensed something was wrong as soon as he walked in; the lineup of attendees did not seem to be the kind of expanded Politburo meeting he had expected.

Gromyko was sitting in the head seat—a seat that should have been his! Next to him were Ligachev and Ryzhkov, Chebrikov was standing by the window without sitting, and Solomyantsev was sitting at the other end of the long table with a typed manuscript in front of him.

There were also a few people Gorbachev hadn't expected to be there, including Yazov from the military!

"What do you mean by this?!"

Gorbachev stopped abruptly, his expression freezing instantly. Looking at the faces of these men, devoid of any smiles and seemingly performing some solemn procedure, he finally understood.

"Don't come any closer!"

He wanted to turn back, but it was too late; he couldn't go any further!

"Bang!" "Let me go! Let me go!"

Gorbachev realized something was wrong and tried to retreat to the main gate, but a side door was pushed open with a bang, and the task force specifically responsible for dealing with him immediately came out from both sides.

Gorbachev struggled to his feet, but several guards from the action group immediately restrained him. As he struggled and kicked, he shouted:

"I'm here for a meeting! What do you want?!"

But his resistance was futile. The General Secretary was quickly subdued by several well-trained action team guards and was dragged into the Walnut Hall by his arms twisted.

Gromyko stood up and picked up the typed manuscript.

Then, he began to read the decision in the steady tone he had honed since the Truman era.

"Resolution of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Decision on the serious violations of the Party Constitution and the principle of collective leadership by Comrade Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev."

Gromyko's voice was completely flat, as calm as if he were reading a routine diplomatic note.

"The Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, upon the joint proposal of Comrade Gromyko, a formal member of the Politburo and Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet; Comrade Ligachev, Second Secretary of the Central Committee; Comrade Ryzhkov, Chairman of the Council of Ministers; Comrade Chebrikov, a formal member of the Politburo and Chairman of the State Security Committee; and Comrade Solomyantsev, a formal member of the Politburo and Chairman of the Central Control Commission, after careful discussion, has made the following decision."

As Gorbachev listened to the decision, his face grew paler and paler, his arms twisted by two guards.

Gromyko continued reading:

It seriously violated the Leninist principle of collective leadership, established a private decision-making circle outside the Party's highest decision-making body for a long time, and repeatedly bypassed the Politburo's collective discussions;

Abusing the authority of the General Secretary, and using the Rust incident as a pretext, he launched a large-scale political purge against the leaders of the General Staff of the Soviet Army and the military reformists, which damaged the stability of the Soviet armed forces.

The serious error in the appointment of ethnic minority cadres, the forced decision to appoint a comrade who was completely unfamiliar with the situation in Kazakhstan as the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan, directly triggered the Almaty riots and caused casualties among the people;

Abuse of national security agencies to conduct intra-party political activities, bypassing the command sequence of the Chairman of the National Security Commission, and directly commanding individual KGB staff to illegally monitor senior party leaders;

Allowing erroneous tendencies to run rampant on the ideological front, and directly leading and tacitly approving overt practices, has caused chaos and instability on the ideological front.

They also engaged in factional activities, forming a de facto anti-Party clique with a few individuals, including the traitor Yakovlev, violating the Party Constitution's explicit prohibition against factional activities within the Party...

With each line read aloud, Gorbachev's expression grew increasingly grim.

Gromyko paused halfway through his reading, adjusted his glasses, and then continued reading.

Gorbachev tried to interrupt: "Gromyko! This is a rebellion, you traitors to the party—"

But Gromyko didn't look up, continuing to read the decision in a completely emotionless tone, as if Gorbachev's voice didn't exist at all.

The process was already underway, and Gorbachev's words carried no weight in the room.

"You bunch of bastards!"

Before Gromyko could finish reading, Gorbachev suddenly erupted.

"I'll fight you to the death!"

Gorbachev roared, broke free from the guards who were holding his arms, and lunged at Gromyko, who was nearly 80 years old and sitting in the main seat, from five or six meters away.

"Boom!"

At this critical moment, Yazov rushed forward and tackled Gorbachev, who was lunging at Gromyko, to the ground!

Yazov used all his strength to pin Gorbachev to the ground and then handcuffed him. This man, who had once held the highest power in this superpower, was now pressed to the floor of the walnut hall, his hands cuffed, thrashing about like a fish.

Gorbachev was still shouting, "This is a rebellion! This is illegal! This is a coup! I will never sign! Never!"

Ligachev stepped forward, looking down at Gorbachev who was being held down on the ground. He was informed that:

“Mikhail Sergeyevich, whether you sign or not, the result is the same. If you don't sign—”

Ligachov paused for a moment.

"--Then our official statement will be: The General Secretary's condition has worsened and he has suffered a stroke. He is unable to attend to his duties. Your personal doctor's diagnosis is ready."

Gorbachev's cries gradually faded in the face of these words.

He understood Ligachev's meaning—sign it, and he would request to step down due to illness; don't sign it, and he would be too ill to perform his duties due to a sudden stroke. Either way, he would have to step down from this position, and both times it would be under the pretext of health reasons.

His resistance cannot change the outcome!

Just then, Ryzhkov told Gorbachev everything that had happened in Moscow that night.

Yakovlev has been arrested, Yeltsin has been arrested, and Shevardnadze has been detained and now claims to support the Central Committee's decision.

The other members of the Politburo—those who should have been his supporters, or at least centrists—either chose to defect or abstain when faced with this new structure supported by various systems of the party, government, military, and police.

No one stood up for him, and no one came to his rescue.

"Ugh...."

Gorbachev lay on the floor of the walnut hall, handcuffed, listening to the news.

He lost, lost so utterly, with no hope of a comeback. While he flew to East Germany, believing he could still consolidate power with international support, and while he used the Rust affair to purge the military, thinking he was eliminating the threat, his adversaries had already secretly completed their preparations.

The moment he boarded the plane back home, the scheme was complete, and he had no chance of escape!

He was unwilling to accept it, but his unwillingness wouldn't change anything.

Finally, Gorbachev was helped up from the ground and sat down at the table. A statement requesting temporary resignation due to illness was placed in front of him, along with a pen.

"Sign it, Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev." This time, Ligachev did not address him as comrade.

Gorbachev stared at the statement for a long time, then, still handcuffed, trembling, picked up a pen.

在1987年4月29日2点07分，戈尔巴乔夫在那份终结他政治生命的声明上签下了自己的名字。

At that moment, the walnut wood room was completely silent. The green table lamp shone quietly, and the dark walnut wood paneling absorbed all sound. Outside the window, Moscow, after the rain, was slowly brightening under the sunlight.

An era is over.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

After signing the document, Gorbachev was taken away from the Walnut Hall.

He will be sent to an isolation facility for investigation—in the wording of the decision, "a special investigation team jointly formed by the Central Supervisory Commission and the Prosecutor General's Office will conduct a comprehensive investigation into his misconduct."

During the investigation, he will "treat them according to the standards of a Party member, ensuring their corresponding living conditions and necessary medical care." As for how this standard will actually be implemented, that's a matter of opinion.

Gorbachev was led toward the entrance of the Walnut Hall.

"Wait a minute." He stopped at the door, as if he wanted to say something.

His gaze fell on his former throne in the row of seats in the walnut wood hall, and he remained silent for a few seconds.

“Speak, Mikhail,” Gromyko said.

Standing in handcuffs at the very last moment of his tenure as General Secretary, Gorbachev asked everyone: