Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

Entering through the door was his wife, Lydia Dmitrievna Gromyko, whom he had been married to for over fifty years since 1931.

"Okay, I'll be downstairs now." Gromyko recalled whether there had been any major events at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs recently, took off his reading glasses, placed the telegram in his hand on the desk, and went downstairs with his half-finished cup of black tea.

"Good evening, Comrade Ivanova. How are things going in Europe?" Gromyko asked.

"Things are going well, Andrei Andreyevich, but as far as I know, things may not be going so well for you."

Director Nian's opening remarks were completely unprepared; she never beats around the bush when dealing with Gromyko.

Just kidding. This old man, who has been firmly in the position of Foreign Minister since the Khrushchev era, has spent his whole life playing mind games with others. Trying to outsmart him is an insult to his intelligence.

Do you know what will happen at the plenary session in July?

There was a moment of silence on the other end of the phone.

"I've heard some...not good news, Comrade Ivanova."

"What you heard is probably the same as what I heard—you will be appointed Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs will be handed over to Shevardnadze."

Silence again.

The position of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, which is also the head of state of the Soviet Union, is merely a nominal one; all the real power is in the hands of the General Secretary.

When Gromyko supported Gorbachev, he offered him the condition that he continue working in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. What does Gorbachev mean by this move?

Director Nian waited quietly on the other end of the phone.

"Ivanova, what is the purpose of this call?" Gromyko's voice returned to normal.

"The purpose of this call is to talk to you before you react—whether to accept or resist, how to accept, and how to make this position less empty after acceptance."

I believe you have the ability to make decisions, but perhaps you lack someone to present all the options to you before making a decision.

"Are you here to advise me?"

Gromyko knew of Nian's influence in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. If he had to choose, Nian could simply become his student and then inherit his position.

Does this young man want her support?

"No, I am here on behalf of all the moderate reformers in the party to discuss a deal with you."

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

The director spent about fifteen minutes on the phone explaining her proposal to Gromyko.

"Andrei Andreyevich, the position of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet has indeed been a nominal title for the past few decades. As you and I both know, those who sit in it are either concurrent General Secretaries or retired cadres who have been sent to retire. No one has seriously managed it."

"But you are different. You have 28 years of experience as foreign minister, leaders of every country in the world know you, and your connections in the Politburo have continued from the Khrushchev era to the present!"

If you operate this position with our help, it could become a node of real influence within the Soviet political system.

She provided a specific solution:

The Supreme Soviet is about to enter the legislative approval stage of the Twelfth Five-Year Plan. All major economic policies, foreign economic agreements, and budget allocation plans need to be approved by the Supreme Soviet.

Symbolic democracy is still democracy.

This approval power has historically been a rubber-stamped formality, but if Gromyko, in his capacity as chairman of the Presidium, were to push the Supreme Soviet to play a more substantive deliberative role in economic legislation—

This position is no longer a nominal one.

"Ryzhkov's five-year plan, the legal framework for the natural gas contract, the tariff arrangements for trade with China... all these things need to go through the procedures of the Supreme Soviet!"

If you were in that position and had some deliberative power, every economic decision that needed to pass through the Supreme Soviet would pass through your hands. This has a broader scope of influence than being the Minister of Foreign Affairs—the Ministry of Foreign Affairs deals with foreign relations, while the Supreme Soviet deals with everything.

Of course, these so-called "some deliberative powers" cannot be obtained by Gromyko simply saying "I disagree" at the congress; reformers need to utilize their accumulated connections and political resources...

So, what is the reward?

"What do you want in return?" he finally asked.

"Two things. First, do not oppose Romanov's withdrawal at the July plenary session, allowing Gorbachev to achieve the victory he desires. But in exchange, you need to demand the lifting of the stigmatization campaign against Romanov and allow him to work in Slava after his 'retirement'."

Second, after Shevardnadze took over as Foreign Minister, I remained as Deputy Foreign Minister—you wouldn't want the Foreign Ministry to be ruined by Gorbachev, would you?

The moderate reformers will not prevent Romanov from leaving the Politburo; they only need to ensure he is not completely marginalized.

The stigmatization should be removed, which would lay the groundwork for Slava to reinstate him later, preventing Romanov from retiring to a life of manual labor. The leader needs his industrial and information technology expertise to continue serving the reformists, and also needs to disarm him as a political figure.

Romanov should thank her!

P.S.: Romanov really did tighten screws. Born into a peasant family in 1923, he moved to Leningrad with his family in 1938 and became a factory worker. Before enlisting in the Great Patriotic War in 1941, he worked in the factory while studying at a workers' youth school. After the war, he was discharged from the army and entered a shipbuilding academy. After graduating, he worked his way up from design engineer to Party Secretary at the Zhdanov factory in Leningrad, eventually becoming the First Secretary of the Leningrad Regional Committee and entering the Politburo.

Compared to most cadres who hold positions without doing their jobs, Romanov could now face Lenin with a clear conscience.

"Aren't you worried about working under Shevardnadze? He's one of Gorbachev's men. Gorbachev already got rid of Velikoslav Ivanovich. Aren't you afraid?"

Gromyko knew that Director Nian and Slava were inseparable, and it wasn't impossible for them to share a blanket.

"Precisely because he is one of Gorbachev's men, I should stay there!"

A new minister who doesn't speak a foreign language and has no diplomatic experience needs a knowledgeable deputy minister to handle his daily affairs.

In this process, I had access to far more information and the ability to influence decisions than Shevardnadze had ever imagined.

Director Nian spoke calmly, as if he had this parachuted-in idiot minister completely under his thumb.

She had a very clear plan on how to actually operate her agenda within the power framework of a nominal superior.

Gromyko probably sensed this composure as well, and he said, "Comrade Ivanova, you remind me of someone."

"Who?"

"Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov. He also has this ability to sit in a position that others think is unimportant, and then turn that position into something truly important."

"I think Yuri promoting you and Ivanov was the best thing he ever did," Gromyko praised.

Director Nian didn't respond to that sentence. After exchanging a few polite words, she hung up the phone and dialed the next number.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

The second call was made to Ligachev, and this call was much shorter.

"Yegor Kuzmich, have you seen the personnel plan for the July plenary session?"

“I have no objection,” Ligachev said.

It seems they have some objections.

Do you have any objections to Gromyko's arrangements?

"Any objections? No objections are the best objections. The position of Chairman of the Presidium is a good one, it's respectable enough."

"What if this position is not just respectable but also has some real authority?"

We can push the Supreme Soviet to play a greater role in approving the Five-Year Plans. I think this would also benefit your work in ideological and cadre affairs, since the Supreme Soviet's deliberation process requires the cooperation of the ideological front.

Ligachev thought for a while.

"Did you convince Gromyko?"

“He felt we were more trustworthy than Gorbachev. Being removed from a position you’ve held for thirty years is no pleasant experience—he’ll remember anyone who offers him a way out in such a situation for the rest of his life.”

“Okay, I will cooperate at the plenary session. But there’s one condition—you can’t be seen by outsiders as going against the General Secretary. We’re all in the same boat.”

"Of course, of course we'll cooperate. We fully support the General Secretary's personnel adjustment direction, but we'll make some more thorough arrangements on the details."

Ligachev hung up the phone. The director then made a third call, this time to Slava.

"Brother Lao, the plenary session in July is coming soon. Is there anything you need me to handle in Moscow?"

“Keep an eye on that bastard Yeltsin for me,” Slava said, his voice barely containing his anger. “I know better than anyone what kind of trouble he’ll cause once he’s in the Secretariat.”

"Don't worry, I'm keeping an eye on it. I guarantee I'll arrange something satisfactory for you."

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

July 1, Kremlin, Central Committee plenary session.

The hall was filled with more than 300 members and alternate members of the Central Committee. On the dais, Gorbachev, wearing his signature dark suit, sat in the middle.

Ligachev was on his right, Ryzhkov on his left, and Nian Dao, as a member of the Central Committee, sat in the middle of the hall near the aisle.

The plenary session has a tight schedule and heavy tasks.

First, Comrade Romanov requests to be relieved of his posts as a member of the Politburo and Secretary of the Central Committee due to health reasons.

The request was granted.

This time, Gorbachev's wording when reading the resolution was much milder. There were no statements implying that Romanov had made a mistake or had any character flaws. It was just a dry "health reason" followed by "thank you, Comrade Romanov, for your many years of contributions to the Party and the country."

The rumor about the wedding porcelain was not mentioned in either official or semi-official media, which was part of a tacit understanding reached between the moderate reformists and Gorbachev's side before the plenary session.

As for Romanov himself, he did not attend the plenary session—because of his "health reasons," which began in May, he had not made a public appearance for two months.

But the director knew he was in Moscow today, listening to the radio in his apartment waiting for the results.

The second item was the election of Edward Amvorosievich Shevardnadze as a member of the Politburo.

There's not much to say about this; Shevardnadze's promotion from candidate to official was an expected arrangement, and applause rang out in the hall.

Thirdly, it is recommended that the Supreme Soviet appoint Comrade Shevardnadze as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and Comrade Andrei Andreyevich Gromyko as Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

This caused a slight commotion in the hall. A Georgian who didn't speak a foreign language and had no diplomatic experience was replacing Gromyko, who had served for thirty years! Was this reasonable?

Even though everyone present knew that the General Secretary's will was not to be defied, this arrangement still made many people dissatisfied.

But no one said anything, since the deal had already been completed before the conference started, and everyone voted to approve it.

When the vote was being taken, the old man glanced at Gromyko, who was sitting on the podium. His face showed no emotion.

Fourthly, Lev Nikolayevich Zaykov and Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin were elected as secretaries of the Central Committee.

More applause. Zaikov took over the military industrial sector left by Romanov—power in Leningrad was now completely transferred from Romanov's hands to Gorbachev's men.

As Yeltsin entered the Secretariat, the 54-year-old Sverdlovsk native stood up and bowed to the hall. The young leader carefully examined his face:

He was upright, confident, and had a hint of arrogance in his smile.

You bastard, your happiness won't last long.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

The afternoon after the plenary session ended was the real battlefield. Director Nian did not leave immediately after the plenary session ended; she "bumped into" Shevardnadze in the corridor.

The newly appointed foreign minister was surrounded by a group of congratulatory committee members, his face showing a mixture of joy and unease.

"I am happy for your joy, Comrade Minister, congratulations." After the crowd of congratulatory guests dispersed, Director Nian and others stepped forward.

Shevardnadze looked at her. Silver hair, sunglasses, and an expression that made it difficult to discern her thoughts. He quickly reviewed what he knew about her:

The Deputy Foreign Minister, Slava's partner, a man from the Andropov era, has made considerable progress in gas negotiations over the past few months.

"Ah, thank you, Comrade Ivanova."

“I know you’ll be very busy, so I’ve prepared some materials that might be useful to you—” She took a folder from her briefcase and handed it to her. “This is a summary of all the major negotiations currently underway at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, draft agreements that have not yet been signed, and key diplomatic agendas for the next three months. I’ve marked the responsible parties, the timelines, and the core issues that require ministerial attention.”

Shevardnadze took the folder and flipped through it.

The materials inside were organized extremely clearly, with each page marked with color-coded priority labels, and important numbers and dates were highlighted. The information density and organizational level of this material far exceeded the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' regular work briefings—it was more like an introductory manual tailored for a new leader who knew absolutely nothing about the situation.

"Did you organize this?"

"Yes, I've worked at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for a few months and am quite familiar with the situation on all fronts. You're a new official and need time to get to know things. If you have any technical questions during this transition period, feel free to contact me anytime."

Having spent twenty years navigating the Georgian political scene, Shevardnadze understood the unspoken message from the young leader:

I know this department's operations better than you do. You need me.

“Thank you for your kind offer,” Shevardnadze replied. “I believe we will have a pleasant working relationship.”

Director Nian nodded slightly. She knew the real contest wasn't today; today was merely the setup of the chessboard. Starting tomorrow, Shevardnadze would walk into the Ministry of Foreign Affairs building and face an institution he knew nothing about, while Director Nian would be the one who appeared before him at every crucial moment, holding the documents he needed and offering advice he could understand.

There was an unwritten rule in the Soviet bureaucracy: ministers come and go, but deputy ministers stay forever.

Typically, ministers are politically appointed; they arrive with the General Secretary's authorization and leave with the General Secretary's dissatisfaction.

Deputy ministers are technocrats; they stay in their positions by their professional skills, their mastery of the details of running the organization, and their indispensability.

Every decision a new minister makes in the first few months requires someone to provide him with information and options, and the person providing the information actually determines what the minister can see, how he can understand it, and within what framework he can make his choices.

This is the basic principle of how a bureaucratic system operates: the direction of information flow determines the actual distribution of power.

Shevardnadze can only trust the young leader.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

The week following the plenary session, Director Nian also visited Romanov.