Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

The General Staff openly admitted that the Soviet Army had fallen behind NATO in some key areas, a frankness that would have been unimaginable during the Brezhnev era!

Those who lived too long in the Brezhnev era have become so accustomed to whitewashing that they are often unable to accept the truth when they see it.

During the military reforms, Andropov, with Slava's encouragement, also deepened relations with China, their neighbor. Perhaps seeing the Soviet Union's sincerity in gradually withdrawing from Afghanistan, Zhong also reached a series of trade agreements with the Soviet Union on the Far Eastern border, and trade and economy in the Far East were booming.

But Andropov's health continued to deteriorate throughout February.

The frequency of dialysis increased, and the swelling spread from his ankles to his calves and knees. His appetite almost completely disappeared, and he could eat no more than a teenager each day.

But Andropov remained clear-headed. During that time, he continued to review documents, sign instructions, discuss policy details with Gorbachev by phone, and occasionally call Slava to his villa to report on the progress of agricultural reforms and the Afghan working group.

Every time Slava visited the villa, he could sense that President An was weaker than the last time.

But the light in those eyes never went out; it was still there, only its brightness was gradually decreasing, like a lamp with very little oil left, each flicker possibly being the last.

He knew that he would eventually have to face the departure of this old comrade who was like a father to him.

3 month 7 day.

Slava was inspecting a newly established agricultural research and production consortium in Voronezh Oblast that day.

This consortium is several times larger than the one in Amur, encompassing several collective farms and two food processing plants, and also collaborating with local agricultural colleges and machinery factories.

At this time, these large-scale agricultural production and research consortia are carrying out spring plowing preparations in full swing, and there are many things to coordinate.

Around 3 p.m., he suddenly received a call from Sherov.

"Ivanov, you must return to Moscow immediately."

Slava already knew the answer in his heart.

"what's the situation?"

"The General Secretary's blood pressure dropped sharply this morning during dialysis. The medical team provided emergency treatment, but his condition is not good now. His kidney function has deteriorated rapidly in the past 48 hours—the doctor's exact words were 'he has entered the irreversible end stage'."

There was a two-second silence on the other end of the phone.

"The General Secretary...he may not be able to hold on much longer."

Slava took a deep breath: "I'm going back to Moscow immediately. What about Ivanova?"

“Ivanova is in Moscow; she already knows.”

"Where is Gorbachev?"

"Mikhail Sergeyevich is at the villa."

In the distance, a tractor was plowing the field, its diesel engine emitting a dull thud that carried far and wide across the open plain.

At that moment, he thought of many things.

For three and a half years, he followed the old man from Lubyanka to the Kremlin to Blagoveshchensk and then to Voronezh.

He had transformed from a clueless programmer into someone who at least knew what soybeans looked like, how the Politburo held meetings, and how statistics were compiled. This old comrade had taken him from the interrogation room, sent him to Uzbekistan to be shot, assigned him to farm in the Far East, and then transferred him back to Moscow to join the Central Committee...

Now it's time to say goodbye to the old comrades.

Forty minutes later, Slava boarded a military plane bound for Moscow from Voronezh.

Slava gripped her purse tightly with both hands, her mind in turmoil.

What will happen to the Soviet Union after Andropov leaves? Will the Geneva Conventions be overturned by the new leaders? Will the withdrawal from Afghanistan be halted? Will agricultural reforms be scrapped? Will the military's information technology development be shelved again? Will the thawing process in Sino-Soviet relations cool down due to the change in leadership?

And what should he do?

Andropov was his protector within the Soviet system. Now that Andropov is gone, will the conservatives purge him, this "liberal advisor"?

If Chernenko comes to power, what will his attitude be? Even if Gorbachev becomes Second Secretary, how much of Slava's influence can he retain? The differences between him and Slava haven't been resolved yet!

Too much uncertainty enveloped him like a thick fog, making it impossible for him to see anything clearly. He could only rely on the intuition and judgment he had accumulated over three and a half years to feel his way across the river.

"I'm like a pawn that's already crossed the river; there's no way I can retreat..."

An hour and a half later, the plane landed at Moscow's Vnukovo military airport. Director Nian was already waiting there, standing on the tarmac in her gray wool coat, the wind ruffling her silver hair.

She saw him get off the plane, didn't say anything, walked over and stood next to him for a while.

"Should we go to the villa or go back to the apartment first?" she asked.

"Let's go to the villa."

"Shelov said that General An's condition has stabilized slightly today, but—"

"But what?"

Director Nian glanced at him, his expression somewhat somber.

"But we can already prepare for the worst."

They got into the Volga parked beside the runway, with Nian driving and Slava in the passenger seat. The drive from Vnukovo to the villa in the suburbs was about forty minutes, and the two of them barely spoke the rest of the way.

In March, the streets of Moscow were still covered with snow, and the bare branches of the birch trees drew a dense net against the gray sky. Occasionally, a few crows would fly up from the treetops and then land again, emitting hoarse cries.

Slava rolled down the car window and patted his face, trying to pull himself out of his grief; he had to stay alert!

The dead only need to go and meet Lenin openly and honestly, while the living must take up his baton and continue to fulfill the lifelong dream of generations of communists.

He took out his notebook and immediately began writing a list—a list of things that had to be preserved after Andropov left.

The list contains seven items:

First, the implementation of the Geneva Conventions must not be interrupted.

Second, the operation of the Afghan withdrawal working group must not be stopped.

Third, the reform of large-scale agricultural research and development consortia should not be cut.

Fourth, military reform cannot be shelved.

Fifth, the process of improving Sino-Soviet relations should not be allowed to cool down.

Sixth, the trade offensive against Europe cannot be relaxed.

Seventh, ensure that the Politburo does not turn against the Americans again.

He drafted a list of responsible persons for each item, and each item required at least one person with sufficient influence in the new leadership to oversee it and prevent it from being scrapped.

Since the number of reformists within the party is not dominant in the highest Politburo, he must expand the number of reformists as much as possible.

After driving the Volga through the Moscow ring road, we entered a tree-lined road in the suburbs. The birch forests receded on both sides, and the road became narrower and narrower until it finally became a gravel road leading to a villa area.

There were two black Volga cars blocking the road at the intersection ahead, and several KGB officers in plainclothes were standing by the roadside.

The villa waited quietly for them deep in the birch forest, a light shining from a second-floor window—that was probably Andropov's room.

The lamplight appeared dim and faint in the March twilight, like a star about to burn out in the darkness.

Director Nian parked the car and turned off the engine.

The two sat in the car for about ten seconds without moving. Then Slava opened the car door, stepped into the shadows of the birch forest, and walked towards the lamp.

...

He ultimately failed to see Andropov one last time; Andropov had already gone to see his mentor before him.

At 2:17 a.m., the KGB medical team waiting outside the ward recorded the moment when the line on the electrocardiogram monitor became straight.

Andropov's private secretary dialed Chernenko's number at 2:20 p.m., then dialed Gorbachev's number three minutes later, and then dialed Ustinov's number five minutes after that.

The news of An Zong's death reached all members and alternate members of the Politburo before 3 a.m.

Slava knew that the battle for the inheritance was about to begin.

"When will the news be announced?" Slava asked Serov.

"The Politburo just finished its meeting today, and the official announcement will likely be made tomorrow."

Has the chairman of the funeral committee been appointed?

Sherov remained silent for two seconds on the other end of the phone.

In the Soviet political tradition, the chairman of the funeral committee was the next General Secretary—Andropov himself rose directly to the General Secretary's seat from the position of chairman of Brezhnev's funeral committee.

"No formal decision has been made yet, but I have heard that the Politburo has chosen Chernenko as the next General Secretary."

Unsurprisingly.

Slava closed his eyes briefly. It was within his expectations, but hearing it confirmed still felt like a shove in his chest.

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The next seventy-two hours were the longest three days Slava spent in the Soviet Union.

On the morning of March 14, the Politburo held an emergency meeting in the Kremlin. Slava, as a member of the Central Committee, was not qualified to attend the Politburo meeting—the very top of the Soviet power pyramid, where only a dozen or so people were entitled to sit at that table.

He received a detailed briefing on the meeting's contents within hours of the meeting through Gorbachev's channels.

The first procedure at the meeting was to confirm Andropov's death and the basic funeral arrangements—this part was routine and uncontroversial.

The second procedure is to appoint the chairman of the funeral committee.

According to Soviet practice, this position should naturally have gone to the highest-ranking member of the Politburo. Chernenko did indeed hold the top position in the Politburo rankings after Andropov's death. But this time, the tradition was broken—or rather, almost broken.

Gorbachev proposed a very rare motion at the meeting:

“I suggest that the chairman of the funeral committee be decided by a vote of the entire Politburo, rather than being automatically confirmed according to the ranking.”

If a vote were to be held, Gorbachev was confident that he could secure at least the same number of votes as Chernenko.

Over the past year and a half, Andropov has significantly altered the composition of the Politburo through personnel reshuffles, and KGB Chairman Chebrikov, a close associate of Andropov, has also sided with the reformists.

If Gorbachev himself is included, the reformists would have at least four or five votes in the Politburo.

However, the strength of the conservatives should not be underestimated. Chernenko, Tikhonov, Grishin, Romanov...

These four men represent the old guard from the Brezhnev era. Each of them holds a vote in the Politburo, and they still have deep roots in the Central Committee and the local power networks of the constituent republics.

The key swing votes were Gromyko and Ustinov.

Gromyko served as Minister of Foreign Affairs for thirty years. His main political characteristic was that he always sided with the winner—he didn't cast the first vote, but he always cast the decisive one.

The fence-sitter is waiting to see which way the wind blows.

Ustinov's attitude was more complicated.

As Minister of Defense, he has sided with Andropov on the issue of military reform, but his primary consideration on the issue of power succession is not whether or not to reform, but whether the interests of the military can be protected.

Although Chernenko was a conservative, he was friendly toward the military-industrial complex—his stance of maintaining the status quo meant keeping the military's budget and privileges untouched.

If Gorbachev's reform path goes too far, such as drastically cutting military spending to support economic reforms, it could pose a threat to the military!

Gorbachev's proposed vote sparked heated debate at the Politburo meeting.

Chernenko's supporters countered with the most classic weapons of Soviet political tradition—"custom" and "stability": from Brezhnev to Andropov, the chairmen of the funeral committees were automatically appointed according to seniority!

Holding an election now is tantamount to undermining party unity! They're pro-Western!

Grishin even suggested that engaging in competitive power struggles at a critical moment when a leader has passed away is detrimental to national stability and international image.

The reformists' rebuttal was equally forceful. Ligachev quoted Andropov's speech at the June plenary session:

"We must face the problems in our system in a realistic manner."

He believes that the election of the chairman of the funeral committee is precisely a manifestation of seeking truth from facts and intra-party democracy.

Chebrikov offered his support from the KGB's perspective. Although he did not publicly side with Gorbachev, he emphasized in his speech that "Comrade Andropov had clearly considered the issue of succession before his death."

The KGB was implying that Andropov's preference was for Gorbachev to succeed Chernenko.

The debate reached a stalemate around 1 p.m. – the reformists and conservatives were very close in the votes, and neither side could guarantee a win.

At this point, Gromyko spoke up.

"...Comrade Chernenko should, by convention, serve as chairman of the funeral committee, but the Central Committee should give full consideration to Comrade Andropov's wishes and the expectations of the entire Party when electing a new General Secretary."

In layman's terms, Chernenko was in charge of the funeral arrangements, and Chernenko could also be the General Secretary, but Gorbachev had to become the Second Secretary and gain more real power than any previous Second Secretary.

The compromise was approved that afternoon.

On March 15, Soviet Central Television broadcast Tchaikovsky's Sixth Symphony and a documentary about Lenin again.

Then they went through the same process as when Brezhnev died two years ago—an announcer in mourning clothes, an interrupted ice hockey game, and somber classical music.

On March 16, Andropov's body was laid out in the columned hall of the Trade Union Building for public viewing.

The funeral was held in Red Square on March 18.

Slava and Nian stood once again in a corner of the Red Square viewing area, almost in the same spot as when they saw Brezhnev off two years ago. The difference was that this time they wore badges of Central Committee members, and those standing around them were no longer mid-level cadres from various ministries, but figures closer to the core of power.