Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

The full text of the speech was transmitted to newsrooms around the world within hours via telegrams from the Associated Press and United Press International, and appeared on the desk of the Moscow Ministry of Foreign Affairs the following morning.

The United States does not have a State Department; foreign affairs are handled by relevant departments within the State Department. Therefore, translators at the Moscow Foreign Ministry had to repeatedly confirm with the U.S. State Department that they had not made any mistakes when processing this text.

Because in the history of Soviet diplomacy, no American president had ever used such straightforward language to define the Soviet Union.

Nixon wouldn't have said that, Carter wouldn't have, and even Truman, in the most anti-communist 1950s, would have used more restrained language to express the same hostility!

But Reagan was different. Judging from his actions, he seemed to genuinely believe that the Soviet Union was part of the axis of evil, just as he genuinely believed in the existence of God; both held equally solid positions in his worldview.

Moscow is very concerned about this.

After all, an opponent who is merely acting is predictable because his actions are driven by self-interest; but an opponent who truly believes he is fighting evil is unpredictable because a person who fights evil is not bound by self-interest and will go to any necessary extreme.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

Slava heard the term "evil empire" from an officer in the General Staff Intelligence Directorate in a Kremlin corridor.

He was waiting for Andropov's secretary to call him in to report on the handover of the Uzbek case when the officer walked over from the other side with a folder in his hand, his face looking like he had just swallowed a live toad.

Slava casually asked what was wrong, and the officer waved the folder around and said:

"Reagan has gone mad."

That night, Slava read the entire Russian translation of Reagan's speech from beginning to end in his apartment.

"I think Reagan has really gone mad. The way he talks to rednecks is like President Reagan saying ten thousand lines of the Bible."

"Do you think he's serious?" Director Nian asked.

“That’s not the point,” Slava said, placing the pages on the coffee table. “The point is how Andropov will interpret this.”

A man who has worked in the KGB for fifteen years would instinctively interpret such wording as a signal of war preparation.

Because before you can destroy a target, you must first morally condemn it. In the context of games, this behavior is called finding a pretext for war—or creating a claim, persuading your own people to support the war, etc. Defining it as evil is equivalent to pre-granting the legitimacy of using any means against it.

"That's what President An thinks, and his intelligence analysts will also analyze it in that direction. I have a lot of confidence in the Alliance's bureaucratic system on this point."

"So you think Reagan was preparing for war?"

"We both know this war is unlikely to happen. Reagan is waging psychological warfare. He is shrinking the Soviet Union's strategic space. The more nervous you are, the more you will increase military spending. The more you increase military spending, the more your economy will be unable to support it. When you can't support it, you will collapse from within."

He didn't have to spend a single bullet. This was the smartest tactic a Hollywood actor who had spent his entire life playing opposite communism could come up with—fighting a real war through an arms race.

Director Nian spat the sunflower seed shells into the trash can, leaned back on the sofa and thought for a moment: "The question is, can President An see through this?"

"He's smart enough that, rationally, he knows the nuclear balance between Moscow and Washington won't be broken by a single speech. But fear isn't something rational can control, Director Nian."

We did not experience World War II, but the older generation of high-ranking officials in Moscow did.

Andropov mentioned to me in casual conversation that he joined the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1939 and even served as a partisan when Nazi Germany invaded!

For the Moscow leadership, the memory of 1941 was too vivid; back then, Hitler also delivered a series of morally indignant speeches before driving in his tanks.

You expect a nation that experienced World War II to calmly analyze the rhetorical strategies in Reagan's speech? They can't.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

Fifteen days later, Reagan dropped the second bomb.

On March 23, he addressed the nation from the White House Oval Office, announcing that the United States would launch a research program called the Strategic Defense Initiative—to develop an anti-ballistic missile system consisting of space satellites, laser weapons, and interceptor missiles, with the goal of rendering nuclear weapons “ineffective and obsolete.”

The media immediately gave the project a Hollywood-style nickname: the Star Wars program.

In his speech, Reagan roused the nation’s scientific community, those who gave us nuclear weapons, to turn their great talents toward the cause of human and world peace: to give us the means to render these nuclear weapons ineffective and obsolete.

For Moscow, Reagan's words are worth a thousand of Hitler's!

"Evil Empire" is at least an insult; after the insult, the sky is still the same sky, the missiles are still the same missiles, and the nuclear balance is still the same nuclear balance.

But Star Wars is different—if the United States could actually deploy an effective anti-missile system in space, the entire nuclear arsenal that the Soviet Union had built up over decades with all its national resources would become scrap metal overnight.

What good are 10,000 nuclear warheads if the enemy can shoot them down with lasers before they even leave the atmosphere? Your 10,000 nuclear warheads are worthless.

The Soviet Union's nuclear deterrence was the cornerstone of its entire national security strategy, the ultimate reason for the existence of the military-industrial complex, the only bargaining chip that allowed Brezhnev's "détente policy" to bring the West to the negotiating table, and the only anchor that the 280 million Soviet people could point to and say to themselves, "At least no one dares to attack us," during half a century of sacrifice and scarcity!

If this needle is removed—

That would be a disaster.

So the Soviet leadership was terrified.

Defense Minister Ustinov stated at an emergency meeting of the Military Committee that the Soviet Union must immediately launch a corresponding anti-missile research program, or it would face a strategic disadvantage within ten years.

Chief of the General Staff Ogarkov pointed out that with the current level of technology and financial situation, the Soviet Union was simply unable to support a space arms race. Maintaining the existing nuclear arsenal and conventional military forces alone would consume 15% to 25% of the national income every year. If a new front were to be opened up in the space anti-missile system, the Soviet economy would be crushed within five years.

Andropov's expression at that meeting was described by a general who was present as follows:

“I have never seen Yuri Vladimirovich so terrified.”

Considering that Andropov experienced all sorts of ups and downs during his fifteen years in the KGB, this description itself illustrates the seriousness of the problem.

Meanwhile, another threat is no longer a hypothesis but is becoming a reality.

In response to the Soviet Union's deployment of 243 triple-warhead SS-20 intermediate-range ballistic missiles in Eastern Europe, NATO had already decided in 1979 to begin deploying US Pershing II intermediate-range ballistic missiles and land-based cruise missiles in West Germany, the United Kingdom, Italy, and other countries starting in late 1983.

The Pershing II took less than ten minutes from launch to hitting Moscow, which Gorbachev later described as "a gun pressed against our temples."

Historically, the Thatcher government in Britain was one of the staunchest supporters of NATO's deployment of intermediate-range missiles.

She allowed the United States to deploy cruise missiles at the Greenham Commons airbase in the UK and withstood enormous pressure from the British peace movement.

But it doesn't matter. In this timeline, Thatcher has already made a fool of herself and been kicked out. The Labour government's stance on nuclear disarmament is much more moderate than that of the Conservatives. Prime Minister Ford froze deployment preparations for Graham Commons in the first few months after taking office, arguing that it was not appropriate to make major changes to defense policy before the aftermath of the Falklands War was completed.

This has created a major problem for NATO's intermediate-range missile deployment plan.

Meanwhile, the anti-nuclear movement in Western Europe rose to an unprecedented climax.

The change of government in Britain and the freeze on Graham Commons gave anti-nuclear activists a huge boost.

"Look, the British have woken up!"

This signal traveled from London to Bonn, Paris, Amsterdam, and Brussels. In West Germany alone, nearly three million people took to the streets that day to protest the deployment of Pershing II missiles—almost double the number in history, as the attitude of the British Labour government gave the German Social Democratic Party and the Green Party more confidence to oppose their government's acceptance of American missiles.

Even so, the anti-nuclear movement failed to stop the US deployment process in West Germany and Italy from continuing, and the Reagan administration showed no intention of backing down on this issue.

In fact, one of the core purposes of the Evil Empire's speeches and the Star Wars program was to provide moral legitimacy for the nuclear arms race in public opinion:

How can you talk about disarmament with an evil empire? You have to be stronger than it to protect yourself.

Anyway, the US can afford to wait it out, and even if it can't, the Soviet Union will collapse first, right?

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

Slava met with Andropov three times in mid-March. Each time, Andropov looked worse than the last. It seemed that the power aphrodisiac that he had used as General Secretary in the previous months could only keep Andropov going until this point.

"Do you know about Operation Ракетно-Ядерное Нападение?" Andropov suddenly asked during their third meeting.

The Latin transliteration of this operation is Raketno-Yadernoe Napadenie, abbreviated as RYAN.

The word means "nuclear missile attack" in Russian. It was a large-scale intelligence-gathering operation launched by Andropov in 1981 when he was still the chairman of the KGB. The purpose was to search the world for any evidence that the United States was preparing to launch a nuclear strike against the Soviet Union, no matter how small or indirect.

“I must escalate the operation,” Andropov said, holding the enamel teacup and tapping his fingers on the rim of the cup in an uneven rhythm, like his heart beating irregularly.

"Reagan's speech, Star Wars, Pershing II... Damn, all of this combined doesn't sound like something a country seeking peace would do."

The alliance needs to know what the Americans are really thinking—whether they're bluffing or genuinely preparing to take action.

Slava took a deep breath before answering, because what he was about to say could have disastrous consequences if he said the wrong thing, but if he didn't say anything, it could lead to an even greater disaster.

“Yuri Vladimirovich, I know this sounds absurd to you, but I personally believe that Star Wars is a hoax.”

Andropov looked at him without saying a word.

"Given the current level of technology and the foreseeable future of technological development over the next thirty years, it is technically impossible for the United States to build a space-based missile defense system capable of effectively intercepting intercontinental ballistic missiles."

I'm not saying it's difficult, I'm saying it's impossible!

Reagan himself may have believed the scientists' empty promises, but the Pentagon's technology assessment must have known that this was just a promise at this stage.

Its true purpose was not to protect the United States from nuclear attack, but to lure the Soviet Union into a space arms race—a race we were destined to lose, a point on which Marshal Ogarkov and I share the same view.

Our economy is less than half the size of the United States, yet we're spending a higher percentage of our GDP on military spending than any other country. Reagan wanted the Alliance to completely cripple its economy in their attempt to counter Star Wars.

Andropov remained silent for a long time after hearing this.

During this time, Slava felt like she was sitting on pins and needles; each hour seemed to stretch on forever. Outside the window, people were walking in the Kremlin courtyard, their leather shoes crunching on the remaining snow.

“Ivanov, you may be right,” Andropov finally spoke.

“But I can’t afford the word ‘maybe.’ If you’re wrong—if the Americans really do develop this system within ten years—then our entire nuclear deterrent will be finished, and by then it will be too late to catch up. I have to prepare for the worst.”

Slava knew he couldn't persuade Andropov, at least not on this issue.

A Soviet citizen who lived through 1941 would not choose to gamble on the opponent's bluff when faced with a potential threat to their survival.

But he could try to divert Andropov's attention in another direction.

"Well, if we go head-to-head with the Americans on the path of space-based missile defense—building more missiles to overwhelm their defenses, or developing our own missile defense system to counter them—we'll fall right into Reagan's trap."

But if we do the opposite—reduce unnecessary military spending, withdraw troops from Afghanistan, improve relations with China, and then use the saved resources to catch up technologically—we might be able to wait for the day when Star Wars goes bankrupt without being dragged down. Because it is bound to fail—that system is engineeringally impossible.”

This was the last time he explained the reasons for withdrawing from Afghanistan to Andropov before leaving Moscow, and Andropov's reaction this time was different from the previous times.

"I will discuss this issue at an appropriate time in the Politburo."

For the first time, the topic of withdrawing troops from Afghanistan was formally included in the agenda of the highest decision-making level.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

One evening in late March, Slava encountered Gorbachev in a corridor of the Kremlin.

The two hadn't seen each other for several months, and this meeting came just after Andropov announced two personnel appointments:

Gorbachev was officially appointed Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, in charge of agriculture—meaning he had officially entered the core leadership circle and was very close to supreme power.

Slava was appointed as the secretary of the Amur Regional Committee in charge of agriculture—6,000 kilometers from Moscow, on the Far East frontier, with China just across the Heilongjiang River.

Water flows to lower place, man goes to higher position.

One of them moved upwards, the other moved away. It was probably no coincidence that Andropov made these two appointments on the same day, so everyone understood who was being alienated.

Gorbachev was a smart man, and he certainly understood the signal, but he remained very friendly when he met Slava in the corridor. As usual, the two extended their hands and shook hands.

"I heard you're going to Amur."

"Yes, we'll depart at the end of the month."

"It's tough there. Winters drop to minus forty degrees Celsius, and in summer the mosquitoes are so swarming you could carry someone away," Gorbachev chuckled. "But the agricultural conditions are good—the soil fertility in the Heilongjiang River basin is among the best in the Far East. Have you ever worked in agriculture before?"

“I’ve never worked in the fields; I’m a technician,” Slava paused.

"But look at my physique, I must be good at handling pressure, so don't worry."

Where is Comrade Ivanova?

“She came with me to help with farm work. Look at her build, she could kill a bear with one punch. She can carry 200 pounds of wheat for 10 miles without switching shoulders and it’s still easy for her.”

P.S.: Some Steel IV players should be quite familiar with the character based on Nian Dao, right?

“Then you’re in for a treat. As someone who’s been there, I suggest you get some serious training, really.” Gorbachev patted him on the shoulder. “But if you have any problems, feel free to contact me—agriculture is my responsibility.”

He said this in a relaxed tone, but Slava knew that from this day forward, he was under Gorbachev's jurisdiction in the administrative hierarchy, and everything he did in the Amur had to be reported to and supervised by this man.

Andropov handed him over to Gorbachev, much like a father entrusting a troublesome child to someone he trusts more.

“Thank you, Mikhail Sergeyevich. I will certainly ask you for advice if needed.” Slava was about to nod and take his leave when he heard this. He didn’t want to continue the conversation in the corridor because some emotions, if not stopped in time, would show on his face, and showing emotions that shouldn’t be shown in the corridors of the Kremlin is one of the biggest taboos in the country’s political tradition.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

On March 28, Slava and Nian boarded a flight from Sheremetyevo Airport in Moscow to Khabarovsk, and then transferred to a small plane from Khabarovsk to Blagoveshchensk, the capital of Amur Oblast.

Only Sherov saw them off at the airport. He drove them to the terminal entrance in a Volga and helped them take two small suitcases out of the trunk.

After more than two years in Moscow, this was all he could take with him. Serov shook hands with Slava and then with Director Nian, hesitated twice before finally saying "Take care" and leaving.

He has never been good at saying goodbye.

While waiting for her flight in the departure hall, Director Nian took out a bag of sunflower seeds from her bag and started cracking them open. The familiar sound of cracking sunflower seeds was particularly crisp in the empty departure hall. An old lady waiting for her flight next to her glanced at her twice, then looked back at the woven fabric on her lap.

"Hey, do you know where Blagoveshchensk is?" Director Nian asked without looking up.

“How the hell should I know? All I know is we’re going to the Amur.” Slava got up, intending to go to the newsstand to look at a map.

"No need to go. It's right on the banks of the Heilongjiang River, and Heihe in China is right across from it."

"Heihe? Isn't that where the Sino-Soviet small-scale border trade was supposed to resume?"

"That's right."