Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

Police conducted surprise inspections of state-run stores and bathhouses during working hours, stopping and questioning those who had slipped out of their work hours to shop or bathe, asking, "Where's your work ID? Why aren't you at your post?"

The cinema was raided by police during the afternoon session, and all viewers had to show their identification to prove that they were on legal leave or rest time and not skipping work to watch the movie.

Some people were even disciplined by their employers for being found loitering on the street during working hours.

When Slava read these reports, he slammed the newspaper on the table, so hard that water splashed out of his teacup.

"What is this? Is this the secret police?" he said irritably. "Using the police to arrest miners? This isn't solving the problem, it's creating new ones!"

This is called forced labor!

"On what basis is your objection based?" Director Nian's tone was surprisingly calm.

Usually when Slava gets angry, she either joins in the rant or uses sharp words to calm him down, but this time she chose to wait until he finished speaking.

"Why do workers skip work? Because there's no difference between doing a good job and doing a bad job, the wage difference is almost zero, and you can't even buy the things in the store—the whole incentive mechanism is flawed!"

Checking on their posts without fixing your system is like patching up a crack with a band-aid. You can patch it up for a year or two and everyone will tolerate it and go back to work. But once you stop patching it up, they'll still go out shopping, taking showers, and watching movies.

Furthermore, using the police to regulate whether workers go to work is absurd in itself—going to work should be a relationship between workers and companies. By allowing the state apparatus to intervene and use administrative means to maintain a behavior that should essentially be sustained by economic incentives, what's the difference between you and a concentration camp?

He pushed the newspaper off the table, stood up from his chair, and paced back and forth in the room.

“I told President An that information technology cannot solve the fundamental problems of a planned economy, and he agreed! I also told him that we need to introduce some form of market mechanism to improve the supply of consumer goods and labor incentives, and he did not object.”

But now that he's in power, instead of doing these difficult things, he's resorting to the easiest and most brutal methods: 'checking in and arresting people'—what is this? This is wasting energy on the wrong thing!

Director Nian waited for him to walk around for a long time before speaking: "What you said is all correct, so you are not the General Secretary."

"what?"

"What President An needs most right now is political legitimacy."

He had only been in power for two months, and his power base was still unstable. Chernenko and his cronies were still watching his every move from the shadows.

At this time, he needed to do things that ordinary Soviets could see, feel, and applaud in order to consolidate his popular support – anti-corruption was one, and labor discipline was another.

Go ask ordinary people on the streets of Moscow what they think about this check-up thing, and I guarantee eight out of ten will say, 'It should have been done a long time ago; those lazy bums who skip work should be punished.' President An needs the support of these eight people, at least at this stage."

"Why can't we just fire those workers?"

"Do you think this is a market economy? The Union has long suffered from a severe labor shortage, and workers are not afraid of being fired at all. Moreover, full employment is a political promise of the CCCP, the Constitution guarantees citizens' right to work, and eliminating unemployment is regarded as the core symbol of the superiority of socialism."

It's politically and institutionally difficult for companies to fire workers, and even if they lose their jobs, they don't have mortgages to pay—they get free housing. Add to that the alliance's cradle-to-grave social security, and wow, I'd be happy to do the same.

"Leaving aside the issue of lying down, President An's method is like drinking poison to quench thirst—"

"According to you, all politics is like drinking poison to quench thirst; the difference lies in whether you have time to find the antidote after you've drunk that cup of poison."

President An's plan was to first stabilize his base and win public support by launching anti-corruption and disciplinary campaigns to eliminate rivals, and then push forward with deeper reforms once his power was sufficiently consolidated. He wasn't unaware that investigations and arrests weren't a fundamental solution; he simply felt that now was not the time to address the root causes.

"I don't believe his so-called 'deep reforms' can be that deep. President An's most pressing task is to survive until 1985." Slava doesn't have much hope for the future of President An's reforms.

He stopped and looked out the window at the Tashkent skyline, remaining silent for a moment.

“It’s still a lack of time,” he said, his voice much lower than before. “All the problems boil down to time. President An feels he has time to consolidate power before implementing reforms, but his health won’t give him that much time. If he spends his precious term in office checking up on employees and catching absentees—”

“I’m worried about the same things you’re worried about,” Director Nian said as he walked over to him.

“But you’re not in Moscow right now, so you can’t get involved. And even if you were in Moscow, you might not be able to stop him—he’s the General Secretary now, not your student.”

Andropov is the true General Secretary.

These words were like a bucket of cold water poured over Slava's head. She was right; his role in front of Andropov was that of a "good subordinate who could tell the truth," but there was a chasm called power between "telling the truth" and "the other party listening to your truth."

On this side of the chasm, one can analyze, offer advice, object, or even get angry, but ultimately, the decision is made by the people on the other side.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

In early February, the direction of the investigation began to make Slava uneasy.

The clues in the cotton case began to point to Moscow.

As the investigation team traced the flow of funds one transaction at a time, more and more transfer records, approval documents, and signatures pointed to central authorities in Moscow:

Planning Commission, Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Finance, Central Bureau of Statistics...

For the past decade or so, officials in these departments have turned a blind eye to, or even actively cooperated with, falsifying cotton production data in Uzbekistan. This is because falsifying production data enhances their own work—if cotton production in your region increases year after year, you are a capable leader, and you will be promoted, receive raises, and win awards!

From the bottom up, every link in the chain is falsifying data because the incentive structure at each level encourages it—falsification at the grassroots level is to meet unrealistic targets, falsification at the middle level is to report back to superiors, and falsification at the top level is to maintain the narrative of successive victories in socialist construction.

Rashidov was not a lone individual committing fraud; he was merely a node that produced the largest-scale fraud, and an entire system was maintaining this node's operation.

To thoroughly investigate this system—from Uzbekistan all the way to the Central Committee in Moscow—would involve so many people that it would paralyze the entire Soviet administrative system. Because by strict standards, very few at any level were truly clean.

On February 8, Slava received instructions from Andropov, which consisted of only a few words: "The investigation stops at the level of the Republic. The leads from the Central Committee will be handled separately and will not be pursued further for now. You are to return to Moscow."

After reading the message, Slava sat at his desk and thought for a long time.

Director Nian leaned against the door frame, watching him and waiting for him to speak.

“He told me to stop,” he said.

Director Nian remained calm; everything was as she had expected. She sat down and began cracking sunflower seeds, her movements much slower than usual.

“He’s right,” she said. “Finding Moscow now is like lighting a match in a powder keg—the conservatives have been intimidated by the anti-corruption campaign, but there’s only a fine line between intimidation and fear. If they think An is going to take everyone down, then they’re not intimidated, they’re cornered, and a cornered beast will bite.”

“I know, but that’s not why I’m going back to Moscow.”

"So what are you planning to do when you go back?"

"Talk to General Manager An. Discuss labor discipline, the direction of reform... talk about how much time he plans to spend on how many things."

I can't waste any more time waiting like this. Neither I nor he has time left!

Even the smartest chess player is useless if they make the wrong move. Checking employees to catch absentees isn't the right approach, or at least it shouldn't be the only one! He needs someone to tell him these things face-to-face.

Director Nian put the bag of sunflower seeds on the coffee table, stood up, walked to the window and looked at the snow that had started to fall outside—the snow in Tashkent was not as heavy as that in Moscow, but rather fine and dense, as if someone was scattering white flour from the sky.

“Ministers who dare to point out my faults to my face usually do not have a good ending, my brother.”

“If I had enough time, I wouldn’t want to do this either, but I had no choice. And that’s why he kept me by his side—if he only needed someone to carry out orders, he wouldn’t have spent two years training me; he could have just given an order to any colonel in the KGB.”

"What if he thinks what you said is wrong, or even completely goes against his values?"

"Then at least I've done my duty. Considering everything that's happened in the past, Mr. An shouldn't send me to Siberia... right?"

"Then you'd better prepare for the worst."

"It's okay. I have two strengths: I'm optimistic and I can handle anything. I'm not afraid to go to Siberia to splash snow water!" Slava took a deep breath.

Director Nian stared at him for a long while, while the snow outside the window fell thicker and thicker.

"Alright, let's go back then," she sighed as she took her coat off the hanger, as if she had already guessed the outcome.

“I’ll stay here to keep an eye on the final stages of the case. You go to Moscow alone to talk to Director An—remember one thing.”

"what?"

"You're here to negotiate, not to argue. Control your temper, explain your reasoning clearly, compromise where you should, and stand firm where you should."

Andropov is not your enemy; he is an ally who shares your goals but differs in approach—the way you treat an ally is different from the way you treat an enemy.

Slava nodded and began packing his luggage.

It's snowing in Tashkent.

Chapter 28 Gomez's map was still too well disguised.

1983年2月7日 莫斯科

Andropov had a habit of bringing up the files of the candidates before making any major personnel decisions and laying them out on the table.

Like an old tailor picking out the perfect piece of fabric from a pile. He used to review his agents' files in Lubyanka; now he's simply moved to a new office in the Kremlin.

The portrait of Lenin hanging on the wall was somewhat faded, and the light from the desk lamp was rather cold. He only felt better after he had his secretary move the brass-base desk lamp from the old office.

The tea was brewed as usual and placed in an enamel cup, waiting for him to taste it.

Two files were spread out on the table, one thick and one thin.

The thicker document belonged to Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev, containing everything from his work evaluation as First Secretary of the Stavropol Krai to records of his speeches after joining the Central Committee, reports of his overseas visits, and summaries of the KGB's routine surveillance of his private life.

Well, there's not much to see on this last point. Gorbachev's private life is so clean it's admirable, even suspicious. Apart from having a very good relationship with his wife Raisa, there's almost nothing to go on.

The thinner portion belonged to Velikoslav Ivanovich Ivanov, also known as Slava.

It's called an archive, but it's more like a collection of pieces pieced together—the interrogation records from when he was taken from the streets of Moscow to Lubyanka more than two years ago, Serov's investigation report on his background, and evaluations of his work performance during Uzbekistan, Iraq, the Western 81 exercises, and the Falklands War.

The last page of the file contains Andropov's own annotation: "This person is capable and has good judgment, but his foundation is unclear and his way of thinking is not entirely compatible with the system. He is usable, but must be strictly controlled."

He placed the two files side by side, picked up his enamel mug, took a sip of the slightly cooled tea, and began to do something in his mind that he had been doing for thirty years—evaluating people.

He was not a party or government bureaucrat. As the new General Secretary of the Alliance and a former KGB officer, he needed to rely on the right people to quickly achieve his goals, and he happened to be very good at selecting people.

Gorbachev is 51 years old this year. He has a double degree from the Faculty of Law of Moscow State University and the Stavropol Agricultural Institute. His career in the Party has been steady, progressing from a grassroots Youth League committee member to the First Secretary of the Krasnoyarsk Territory and then to the Central Committee in charge of agriculture.

The most frequently used words in his performance evaluations of cadres were "energetic," "good at coordination," and "politically reliable."

In particular, "political reliability" meant that in the Soviet personnel context, this meant that the person would not cause trouble for their superiors, which was often more important than "ability".

From his perspective, Gorbachev was also a typical party reformer who believed that the Soviet system needed "improvement" and "innovation," but this innovation was an adjustment within the framework of Marxism-Leninism rather than a questioning of the framework itself.

Gorbachev conducted some agricultural management experiments in Stavropol Oblast, which were quite successful and the methods were mild, without affecting anyone's core interests.

During his visit to Budapest a few days ago, Andropov expressed interest in Hungary's "Gulash Communism," and Gorbachev has a similar inclination—he believes that the socialist economic system can be made more efficient by introducing certain limited market elements, provided that the party's leadership and the foundation of public ownership remain unshaken.

He knew that the conservatives within the party had opinions about Gorbachev, but he didn't see Gorbachev as a threat.

This young man is someone who will raise different opinions at Politburo meetings but will also obey the majority in voting. His reform proposals sound more like tweaking the existing machine to make it better than replacing it.

This moderate stance on reform made him a candidate that was barely acceptable to all parties.

Conservatives think he won't go very far, while reformers think he'll at least move forward.

And Slava—

Sigh, still too green, too sharp, needs polishing.

Andropov took another sip of tea, shifting his gaze from Gorbachev's file to the much thinner document, his brow furrowing involuntarily.

Slava's problem is not his ability.

More than two years of cooperation have fully demonstrated that this young man of unknown origin possesses strategic vision and analytical ability far beyond his peers.

He handled everything perfectly—in Uzbekistan, Iraq, the Western 81 exercises, the Falklands—some even exceeding Andropov's own expectations.

Moreover, his understanding of Chinese affairs was unmatched by any Soviet diplomat—a fact confirmed by feedback from Yu Hongliang after his return to Beijing, in which the Chinese side had an excellent impression of Slava, believing that "the depth and breadth of this person's understanding of China is very surprising."

But Slava’s way of thinking made Andropov uneasy.

It's not that Slava was a reactionary or had many outrageous suggestions—Andropov actually agreed with Slava's judgment on many specific issues!

But Andropov always remained wary of Slava.

When discussing economic reforms, Slava often unconsciously veers in a direction that Andropov considers dangerous:

He would make market mechanisms seem like a given, and discuss price liberalization, corporate autonomy, and even some form of private ownership as "natural options" for solving the Soviet economy's problems.

That was terrifying. His tone didn't sound like someone seeking solutions within a socialist system; it sounded more like someone from a completely different economic system applying their experience to the realities of the Soviet Union.

Andropov worked for the KGB for fifteen years and he saw too many examples of slippery slopes—a person slides from "reforming the system" to "questioning the system" and then to "negating the system," often not because of a clear turning point, but because his starting point of thinking was not within the system in the first place!

Moreover, how many years has Slava been dealing with party bureaucrats? Has he put his political views into practice? How has he resolved the widespread opposition and dissatisfaction within the party?

Many reformers lose hope after encountering too many setbacks, which leads them to turn from reform to rejection.

He was very worried that Slava would become the gravedigger of the League.

If one day Slava gains enough power to implement his ideas, those ideas could have consequences that even he himself cannot control.

When you demolish load-bearing walls in a dilapidated building—even if your intention is to reinforce the foundation—the building may collapse first.

Gorbachev was different. While Gorbachev's reform ideas might have been more radical than Slava's in their specific implementation—

Sometimes his enthusiasm for economic democratization and political transparency even made Andropov feel the need to apply the brakes—but at least his starting point was within the system, and he consciously stated any reform proposals under the overarching premise of "adhering to the leadership of the Party." Conservatives might not like him, but at least they could understand what he was saying.

What Slava said—"There must be some unemployed to incentivize labor," "Making businesses self-sufficient will improve efficiency," "Consumers vote with their wallets"—is simply heresy!

If the conservatives within the party were to hear that someone close to Andropov was discussing economic policy in this way, they would begin to question Andropov's own ideological stance, a risk he could not afford given that his power base was not yet fully secure!

Andropov closed the two files together and pressed them down with his palm.

Then he picked up the phone on the table and dialed two numbers, making appointments with two people—one for tomorrow morning and one for tomorrow afternoon.

Tomorrow will be a very long day.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.