Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

The secretary paused for a moment.

How many more people should we bring?

“Enough is enough,” Slava said.

The secretary didn't ask again what "enough" meant. Having spent so many years in the Kremlin, some things are answered without even asking.

"Yes, I'll arrange it now."

The secretary walked out of the office as if she had been granted a pardon.

There are still a few hours until the afternoon Politburo meeting, and in those hours, the Kremlin seems to be operating as usual. Staff members are walking in the corridors, phones are ringing, documents are being signed and stamped, and the coalition is thriving.

But some people still don't know what the future holds for them.

The storm has already reached the highest political bureau and will soon spread.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

8 p.m., Kremlin Politburo meeting room.

The meeting room wasn't large; after all, it was a place for impromptu small meetings, so there was no need to go to the adjacent walnut wood room. In the center of the room was an oval conference table, on which were placed tea and glasses, and a portrait of Lenin hung on the wall.

Only eight members of the Politburo were present.

General Secretary Slava sat at one end of the table, while Foreign Minister Nian sat to Slava's right.

Second Secretary Ligachev sat to Slava's left, his expression serious. He had already been briefly briefed on the situation by Slava on the way there.

Chairman of the Council of Ministers Ryzhkov sat next to Ligachev. He had also been informed in advance and looked rather grim—after all, the State Construction Committee was under his jurisdiction, and no matter what the investigation revealed, he would not escape responsibility for inadequate oversight.

KGB Chairman Chebrikov sat next to the leader, while four KGB officers in civilian clothes stood outside the conference room.

Lukyanov, Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, was the last to arrive—he was notified last and was dealing with matters concerning the Prosecutor's Office before coming. When he came in, he noticed the people standing at the door, his expression changed slightly, but he didn't say anything.

Solomentsev, chairman of the CPSU Control Commission, sat next to Aliyev. This veteran cadre, who was over seventy years old, also knew about Aliyev's situation.

The last person, Heydar Aliyev, sat down at the other end of the table.

Slava made no small talk.

"Comrades, this morning I received a report from Comrade Gerdrian, a special procurator of the Supreme People's Procuratorate."

He pointed to the reports placed on each person's desk.

"The report details systemic corruption in the construction of the Ivanov House in Azerbaijan. It goes beyond traditional issues like bribery in housing allocation and misappropriation of supplies—it also involves the deliberate alteration of the core algorithm of the OGAS system."

He paused for a moment, then turned his gaze to Aliyev.

"Comrade Aliyev."

Aliyev held a glass of water and looked at Slava, his expression unchanged.

"Comrade Gedrian's investigation found that local Azerbaijani party and government officials, including but not limited to the Construction Committee, Planning Committee, and Information Technology Committee, colluded with technicians from the 063 Institute of Cybernetics to create false material surpluses by modifying the OGAS building material scheduling algorithm, and then resold and embezzled these surpluses."

"The local information center was burned down during Gedrian's investigation. The KGB's local branch concluded that 'rats chewed through the cables.' Gedrian believed that the purpose of the arson was to destroy the original records of OGAS production data."

"When Gerdrian attempted to gain access to the 063 Cybernetics Institute for investigation, his access was denied, and by the time he was finally granted entry, the institute's director had already been 'transferred from his post.' As far as the investigation is concerned, you were responsible for signing off on his entry into the institute, and you dragged your feet for a week. You must be incredibly busy."

Slava called his name again.

“Committee Member Aliyev, Azerbaijan is a place you have managed for twenty years. The main leaders of these departments are all your people. I hope you can give the Politburo an explanation.”

The meeting room was silent for a few seconds, and everyone's eyes shifted between Slava and Aliyev.

Aliyev put down his water glass. He didn't rush to explain; it seemed he knew about this from the moment he received the invitation. Having navigated the power struggles for decades, what storms hadn't he weathered?

He took out a pack of cigarettes from his suit pocket, lit one, and the smoke slowly rose in the conference room.

"Comrade General Secretary, there are indeed some problems with the construction projects in Azerbaijan. As you said, these problems are systemic and not just in Azerbaijan, but throughout the entire Soviet Union."

He took a drag of his cigarette.

"I haven't read Comrade Gerdrian's report—but frankly, what you described doesn't surprise me. Corruption in large-scale construction projects can occur in any country and under any system, and the Soviet Union was no exception."

He looked at Slava.

"As for your mention of 'my people,' it's true that Azerbaijani officials were promoted during my term. But their mistakes are their personal issues, not my orders. Do you have evidence to prove that I instructed anyone to tamper with algorithms, set fire to servers, or obstruct investigations?"

He held the cigarette between his fingers, waiting for an answer.

Director Nian spoke up: "Comrade Aliyev, you've been a local tyrant in Azerbaijan for so long, can't you even accept being told the truth by us? A Communist Party member's first reaction to this kind of thing is to shirk responsibility. As a leader, shouldn't you take responsibility?"

She looked at Aliyev.

"I want to ask you, do you still follow Comrade Lenin's revolutionary line? Do you still hold high the great banner of Marxism-Leninism?"

Aliyev listened. His expression suggested that he had heard, yet not heard, or perhaps he had heard but found it unworthy of refutation.

He took another drag of his cigarette and smiled at Director Nian.

Aliyev carefully stubbed out the half-smoked cigarette in the ashtray in front of him, the cigarette butt making a very soft hissing sound in the ashtray.

"Do you think this is still the time when Stalin was in power? The question you asked is so ridiculous—it's as childish as a three-year-old! I am the most qualified person in the Politburo to say such things."

I joined the Central Committee at the 25th Congress of the CPSU in 1976—most of you here were still at the grassroots level back then!

He looked at Director Nian.

"Comrade Ivanova, how long have you been in the Politburo? How many years have you been in politics? I hope you will first examine yourself according to the standards of a Communist Party member!"

The leader did not back down: "Don't forget the stance you took in 1987, and don't play both sides with the Politburo. What you should be considering now is how to resolve the mistakes you've made!"

Everyone present knows what happened in 1987: Slava, along with Ligachev, Chebrikov, and others, seized control of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in a coup. Aliyev remained neutral during that coup, but quickly changed his stance after Slava had secured his position as General Secretary.

At the first Politburo meeting after the coup, he said something that has been quoted by many people since: "This coup was absolutely necessary and very timely. Comrade Ivanov represents Lenin's correct line! We must all support Comrade Ivanov's decision!"

But that was in 1987, when Aliyev needed a new patron. His old patron, Brezhnev, had long since passed away, and with the new General Secretary in power, he had to choose sides.

"You expressed your complete obedience to Comrade Ivanov's leadership back then, are you now trying to bring up old grievances?"

Chebrikov spoke up: "Comrade Aliyev, materials held by the KGB show that during your rule of Azerbaijan, your close associates committed serious violations of laws and regulations in the following areas—"

He opened a folder.

"First, the embezzlement of state-owned assets of '705u.com-Reading Club First Release'. Your cousin, Mamedov, while serving as the director of the Baku City Construction Bureau, used his position to transfer state-owned '705u.com-Reading Club First Release' building materials worth more than 20 million rubles to a cooperative under his personal control."

Second, privatization of collective assets. During the reorganization of collective farms in three districts of Azerbaijan, their land and equipment were transferred to individuals associated with you at prices far lower than those stipulated by the state.

Third, obstruction of the investigation. The KGB's Azerbaijan branch received numerous "coordination requests" from your office during the investigation of the aforementioned cases. These "coordination requests" effectively delayed the investigation and resulted in the loss of evidence.

Aliyev's face grew even darker.

Lukyanov then added, expressing his support for the Ivanov line: "Comrade Aliyev's actions show that he has lost the ideals and beliefs that a Communist should have."

Solomyantsev had been involved in party discipline inspection for many years, and he also disliked Aliyev: "He has betrayed his original aspirations! He is dishonest and disloyal to the party, and resists organizational review!"

"Bang!" Aliyev suddenly stood up.

He looked around at the people present; they weren't discussing things with him at all, they were informing him!

Aliyev wanted to say something, wanted to start a debate in this small meeting, wanted to refute Chebrikov's accusations point by point, and wanted to ask, "What right do you have?"

But the eyes of the four KGB officers standing at the door had already given him the answer.

Slava looked at Aliyev, who had sat back down, and gave him one last chance, advising him:

"Comrade Aliyev, you may have your own opinions, and you may keep your own opinions to yourself. But you must obey the Party's discipline and leadership, just as we all obeyed them back then."

He paused for a moment.

"If someone tries to plot against the organization, that's not something a Communist Party member would do, and it wouldn't be handled like an internal Party conflict; it would be dealt with through criminal law."

Aliyev's face froze.

Most people who retire for health reasons are placed under house arrest in their private villas, under surveillance, but at least they still have the freedom of the air and their own garden.

A mental hospital is not a villa; it's a room with white walls and unidentified pills distributed daily.

As for criminal law? Then you don't even need to go to a sanatorium, just go to Siberia and wait to die!

Aliyev stared at Slava for a long time.

No one spoke in the meeting room; only the ticking of the wall clock filled the air. Finally, Aliyev spoke:

"I reserve my opinion to the Central Committee, but I will obey the Party's discipline and regulations."

Slava didn't breathe a sigh of relief. He knew Aliyev was a tiger; Aliyev had been operating in Azerbaijan for twenty years. His connections, his network, his influence in the region couldn't be wiped out in a single Politburo meeting. If he were released back to Baku—what might he do?

Instigating ethnic conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia—the Nagorno-Karabakh issue has always been a ticking time bomb, and Aliyev has the ability to detonate it.

He is engaging in unorganized activities within the Azerbaijani party—uniting his supporters against the successor sent by the central government.

Destroy more evidence—clean up all traces related to him.

Slava cannot let him go back. But he also cannot be publicly dealt with now, as that would cause turmoil within the Azerbaijani party organization and even incite nationalist sentiment!

He squinted and lit a cigarette.

"Comrade Aliyev, a Communist Party member should be able to rise and fall. For example, I was overthrown three times and left my leadership position in the Central Committee three times."

But I didn't give up, nor did I engage in any unauthorized activities; I continued to rigorously conduct self-examination. I'm not asking you to be like me, but I hope you can act according to the standards and discipline of a Party member.

He took a drag of his cigarette.

"You are not a traitor like Yeltsin or Yakovlev. The Central Committee knows that you have done a lot of work in the past—that's good. Examine as many of your shortcomings and mistakes as you can; the Central Committee doesn't require you to do anything specific."

But you must strictly guard Party secrets and refrain from engaging in any non-organizational activities.

Aliyev opened his mouth as if he wanted to say something. Perhaps it was an explanation, perhaps a promise, or perhaps he just wanted to maintain the last shred of dignity.

Koslava didn't give him that chance. He was probably too busy, or perhaps he didn't have time to continue his ideological work on this veteran. He picked up his briefcase from the table, stood up, and turned to walk towards the door.

He didn't say anything as he walked past the four plainclothes men at the door, but they knew what to do. Two of them followed Slava, while the other two went into the conference room and walked behind Aliyev's chair.

"Please, Comrade Aliyev."

Aliyev got up with a gloomy face and followed the two men out.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

The next day, July 24, 1993, was the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

Slava delivered a report at the plenary session of the Central Committee entitled "The Current Situation and Tasks of Information Technology Reform".

Slava's report is divided into two parts. The first part highlights the achievements of the OGAS system over the past few years: improved real-time data collection and analysis capabilities for economic data, improved supply of consumer goods, increased efficiency in resource allocation, and reduced corruption at the grassroots level due to increased transparency...

The second part is the question.

"Comrades, while the information technology reform has achieved results, it has also exposed new problems. If these problems are not addressed in a timely manner, they may fundamentally undermine the achievements of the reform!"

Some individuals have exploited information systems for personal and clique gain. The OGAS system's algorithm has been tampered with by certain technicians and officials colluding with them to create false data and embezzle state-owned assets. The oversight mechanism of the information system is inadequate; currently, the supervision of the OGAS algorithm relies primarily on the system's self-monitoring—that is, using the algorithm to supervise the algorithm. This is insufficient. No technological system can supervise itself, just as a person cannot judge themselves!

He paused for a moment.

"Comrades, we must be vigilant against reactionaries and corrupt elements lurking in the ranks of cadres. These people are more dangerous than enemies with guns!"

The Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) had to have the determination and will to undergo bloody reforms internally. If we let things drift, if we allowed these lurking parasites to erode our system, the CPSU would inevitably lose its ideals and beliefs, become detached from the masses, and turn into a new oppressor in the not-too-distant future.

We are not pursuing information technology to oppress the people; we are pursuing it to improve people's lives!

If the result of informatization is the creation of a new, invisible, and intangible privileged class, then this informatization has failed!

At the end of the conference, Slava announced two decisions.

First, the Ministry of the Interior will reinstate the labor reform management system, and the punishment for corruption will be more severe.

The second was to convene Head of State Lukyanov and Chairman of the Party Control Committee Solomantsev to announce discussions on a larger institutional framework—

To restore the "Central Control Commission," which Lenin was unable to complete in his later years.

The Central Control Commission was an institution conceived by Lenin in the last year of his life. In several of his final writings in 1923, Lenin proposed the establishment of a control body independent of the Party committees and the government, directly accountable to the Party Congress. This body should have sufficient power to oversee the Politburo itself to prevent the abuse of power and bureaucratization.

After Lenin's death, his legacy gradually deteriorated, becoming a subordinate body of the Central Committee, losing its original independence and significantly diminishing its supervisory effectiveness.

Now, Slava wants to first carry out a major reform of the committee and give it a new name:

"Disciplinary Inspection Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union"

In August 1993, the CPSU's Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and Control announced their establishment. In the same month, the first list of people to be sent to labor camps was issued from the Kremlin, and this storm swept through various ministries.

On August 3, Aliyev requested retirement from the Politburo due to health reasons.

The storm is still spreading.

Chapter 146 Crime of Possessing Unexplained Wealth

In August 1993, the CPSU announced that the framework for the Discipline Inspection Commission and the Supervisory Commission was being developed and personnel were being selected. It was estimated that it would take at least a month for the agency to be officially operational.