Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

After the contracts were changed, the Chinese workers' dormitories went from eight-person rooms to six-person rooms. Meanwhile, the Soviet workers lived in state-allocated worker apartments—four people to a room with a private bathroom, air conditioning, and heating. In comparison, the six-person bunk beds looked like…

The food for Chinese workers was also poor. Glass factory work was considered physically demanding, and the factory canteen had to provide three full meals a day, but the variety was limited. Soviet workers' canteens, on the other hand, had soup, meat, bread, and salad, and tea was also provided during lunch breaks and after get off work.

What shocked the Soviet workers the most was the Party committee and trade union of this glass factory.

Fuyao is a private enterprise in China, and according to Chinese regulations, enterprises of a certain size are required to establish Party organizations and trade unions. Fuyao (Far East) naturally has these, but in practice they are practically non-existent.

The chairman of the union at this glass factory is Cao Dewang's brother-in-law and also the first secretary of the Fuyao Communist Party Committee. This type of union is called a "company union" under US labor law; its function is not to represent workers' interests but to cooperate with management.

This is why Chinese workers don't go to the Party Committee and the Trade Union when they have problems—it's useless anyway. They don't speak up for the workers, they don't interfere with the management's decisions, and they don't supervise the employment conditions. They're just a nameplate!

In the Soviet Union, trade unions and party committees wielded real power. They participated in major enterprise decisions, were directly constrained by the factory Soviet, and were obligated to protect workers' basic rights!

Although not every company does it well, and some are just going through the motions, at least they are given power in terms of the system.

And in this factory—a Party committee bearing the banner of the Communist Party—did absolutely nothing in front of a group of workers exploited by capitalists!

An old Soviet worker privately told his colleague:

"It is said that people in capitalist countries live in dire straits and that socialism is superior to capitalism. Looking at these Chinese proletarian compatriots, I find it hard to imagine what kind of hellish life they lead in the United States."

In January 1995, Soviet workers quickly formed a factory Soviet.

They did it directly without any request or application; this is a right granted to workers by labor law.

Under the Soviet system, workers in any production unit with more than twenty workers had the right to form a Soviet. After the Soviet was formed, it had to be reported to the management, who had to recognize its legitimacy.

Soviet workers completed the entire process in three days.

Day 1: A general meeting of all Soviet workers was held in the workers' canteen, announcing the establishment of the Fuyao (Far East) Factory Soviet, which was unanimously approved by 934 Soviet workers.

The next day: In the factory square, everyone first held a flag-raising ceremony, placed the portrait of Lenin and the bright red hammer and sickle emblem on the table, and then conducted the Soviet internal election.

大家按车间和工种分区举行选举，浮法车间选8个代表,切割车间选8个代表,退火车间选8个代表,包装和物流选4个代表,行政后勤选4个代表——总共32个代表组成苏维埃执行委员会。选举用无记名投票,整个过程严格按照苏联工会法的程序来。

During this time, many Chinese laborers watched the Russians' behavior with curiosity, and some older workers even had a flash of memory in their eyes, instinctively trying to find the teacher's portrait on the wall.

But he did not see any instructors; on the wall was only a statue alongside Lenin, symbolizing Sino-Soviet friendship.

Day 3: The Soviet Executive Committee delivered a formal notification to the factory management:

"In accordance with the Soviet labor law and trade union law, the Fuyao (Far East) Factory Soviet was formally established. The following is a list of members of the executive committee. The Soviet will represent all workers in the management and decision-making of the factory."

Cao Dewang had never seen such organizational efficiency before; it was a distant memory. He couldn't do anything about the Soviet workers, partly because of diplomatic reasons, and partly because the Soviet militia were armed.

PS: Militia units established in Soviet factories were armed. Militia units in the 70s and 80s were mostly old stockpiled weapons; some were still using Mosin-Nagant rifles, while others used pistols or SKS semi-automatic rifles. Only militia units of some important military-industrial enterprises or state-owned enterprises had AKs.

The first thing the Soviet did after its establishment was to demand a change in management.

Those in the Soviet management appointed by the management committee were considered by the Soviets to "not represent the interests of the workers," and the factory Soviets demanded:

"The Soviet management positions should be filled by representatives of each workshop and trade selected by the Soviets, not by people appointed from above."

This was not uncommon in some large Soviet enterprises. The Anshan Iron and Steel Constitution, which Lao Zhong advocated, and the "two participations, one reform, and three combinations" were also adopted by the Soviet Union. Worker representatives participating in management decisions was a characteristic of Soviet enterprise governance.

The management committee hesitated for a moment, but ultimately agreed—because the Soviet's demands were legally sound.

So the Soviet management was replaced. In their place were representatives elected by the Soviets—people trusted by the workers who had worked alongside them in the factories. The first thing they did after taking over management was—

Transparency is required! Implement OGAS! Implement it at the end user! Workers must know how much value they produce each day, and the flow of value within the enterprise must be transparent!

"We demand that factories disclose their production and financial data internally, just like other production units in the Soviet Union," the chairman of the Soviet Executive Committee said at a management meeting.

"Specifically, the factory must publish its total output value, total cost, and profit every quarter. How much of the profit goes to the collective for worker welfare, equipment upgrades, and public facilities, and how much is distributed to management, shareholders, and joint venture partners? All frontline producers should know how much value they have produced."

This was standard operating procedure in the Soviet state-owned enterprise "705u.com-Reading Club First Release". The OGAS system made data transparency very easy - the production cost of every ton of glass, the profit of every batch of orders, the output of every workshop... it was all in the system.

But for Cao Dewang, this was tantamount to opening his ledgers to the workers.

A company's financial data is the boss's secret. Workers don't need to know how much money the factory makes or how much profit is distributed; workers only need to know one thing—how much their salary is this month.

"Don't even think about it!" Cao Dewang said.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

The conflict then broke out.

The Soviet made a demand for transparency, which was rejected by Cao Dewang. The Soviet then submitted this demand to the factory management in the form of a formal resolution.

According to Soviet labor law, for major decisions involving workers' rights, the Soviet had the right to pass a resolution through a vote, and the management and party committees had to provide a formal written response.

However, the management team was not entirely composed of Soviets—40 percent were Soviets and 60 percent were Chinese. Under Cao Dewang's instructions, the entire Chinese management team voted against the proposal.

The first Soviet vote failed.

The Soviet representative remained silent for a long time after looking at the voting results.

We abide by the law because we know it is meant to protect workers, and therefore we decide to respect the legal process and give it face.

But what if the law can no longer protect the rights of workers? Then, as the masters of the country, workers have the responsibility and the obligation to set things right.

"Since the management has rejected the Soviet's legitimate resolution, then the Soviet should declare a strike and let the Party Committee and the trade union begin negotiations."

On the first day of the strike, apart from the militia maintaining order, more than 900 Soviet workers stopped working and gathered at the factory gate, while more than 600 Chinese workers remained in the workshop.

Cao Dewang responded quickly—he did something he had done many times in his factories in China: he gave the Chinese workers a little extra pay.

Not much, just an extra 100 yuan per person.

“Let the Soviets cause trouble,” Cao Dewang told the Chinese foremen. “You keep working, and there will be bonuses at the end of the year. If you can restore production order, I will give your management a bonus of 500 yuan!”

The Chinese workers hesitated. 100 RMB wasn't much, but for those with wives and children waiting for them to send money home, it was a lot.

All the Chinese workers remained in the workshop, a scene witnessed by Soviet workers at the factory gate.

"Look, this is how capitalists divide the workers. It's written in our textbooks that they give some workers more money to put them at odds with others. This way, the workers as a whole can't unite."

What Marx said a hundred years ago, this ugly capitalist is still using today! His traitors and reactionaries will do everything in their power to corrupt us workers; we must find a way to awaken them!

Soviet workers sent representatives to find Chinese workers.

"Comrades," the Soviet representative said, "he gave you an extra 100 RMB each. Have you ever thought about where that money came from? It came from the factory's profits! The factory's annual profits are more than a few million RMB. He gave each of you 600 people an extra 100 RMB, which adds up to only 60,000 RMB. He bought you all for only 60,000 RMB?"

"You work more than ten hours a day and earn less than half as much as Soviet workers. But the glass you produce is the same as the glass produced by Soviet workers, of the same quality, and sold at the same price. The only difference is that you take less."

We demand equal pay for equal work! Remember, this evil, reactionary, and corrupt capitalist isn't giving you money out of love; he has no conscience. He's giving you money now because he's afraid you'll join us in striking!

The Chinese workers listened and then fell silent.

Chinese workers have their own difficulties.

After the Soviet representative left, Xiao Chen sat in the dormitory with several Chinese workers and discussed things in hushed tones.

"Are they right?" a coworker asked.

“Yes,” Xiao Chen said, “but that doesn’t solve the problem.”

what is the problem?

They signed an overseas labor dispatch contract—with Fuyao's subsidiary in China. One clause in the contract states that if workers violate factory rules, participate in strikes, or engage in other disruptive behavior, the company has the right to terminate the contract and arrange for their repatriation.

The new constitution of 1982 abolished their freedom to strike, stating that under socialist public ownership, the fundamental interests of workers are aligned with those of the state and enterprises, and that strikes are detrimental to production and social stability.

Repatriation meant being sent back to China. This meant unemployment, the return of the settlement allowance they had received in advance before coming to the Soviet Union (as stated in the contract), and returning to rural areas in Jiangxi or Fujian, where they could earn less than a third of what they would have earned here in a year.

Their families are in China. Their wives, children, and parents wait for them to send money home every month. Although the amount isn't large, it's the main source of income for those families.

What will happen to their families if they go on strike, get fired, or are deported?

They all have weaknesses, which is one of the reasons why Cao Dewang is able to control them.

“Soviet workers could strike because Soviet law protected them. But we are not Soviet workers; we are Chinese dispatched workers, and Soviet labor law cannot protect our contracts—which were signed in China.”

After learning about this situation, the Soviet workers began to speak in a different way. The Soviet chairman, accompanied by an interpreter, had a conversation with Xiao Chen, a moderate leader among the Chinese workers, under a birch tree outside the factory.

“I understand your difficulties,” the Chairman said. “You are afraid of being fired and deported. This is your weakness. That capitalist knows your weakness, so he can buy you with 100 RMB. You are afraid of losing more.”

Xiao Chen didn't say anything.

"But have you considered what if the Soviet Union could address these weaknesses of yours?"

What do you mean?

“If the Soviet unions can give you a guarantee: even if Cao Dewang fires you, you will not be deported. The Soviet Union can give you temporary residency in the Far East Special Zone, and you can find work in other factories in the zone—the Far East is currently short of workers everywhere! The unions can advance the living expenses of your families in China, and you can pay them back after you start working in the new factories.”

Xiao Chen looked at him in disbelief: "You can do all this? Do you have the authority?"

"I am a representative elected by the factory Soviet, so of course I can represent the opinions of our workers! If the union doesn't help the workers, is it still a union? We can even advance the money for you first."

We can responsibly tell you that we have reported this matter to the government. The Soviet side does not want the factory to shut down—OGAS orders cannot be interrupted. However, we also do not want to see workers being treated like livestock on Soviet soil. The management committee is trying to find a balance—allowing the factory to continue operating while ensuring the workers' rights are protected.

"If the government agrees, if your weaknesses are addressed—would you be willing to join our strike?"

Xiao Chen thought about it for a long time.

"I'll go back and discuss it with everyone first," he said.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

The news quietly spread among the Chinese workers. Not everyone was willing. Some said, "Stop making trouble. It's better to avoid trouble. The contract will expire in another year." Others said, "The Soviets talk a good game, but if it really comes to that, can they protect us?"

But those who were younger and bolder, who had spent some time in the Soviet Union and began to think, "Maybe things could be different," were considering it.

Cao Dewang is not a fool; the weakness and compromising nature of the bourgeoisie have never been reflected in the suppression of the workers' movement.

He planted his own people among the Chinese workers, and the foremen quickly realized what the Soviet workers were doing—they were trying to win over the Chinese workers.

The news reached Cao Dewang, who immediately decided to file a counter-suit!

He wrote a complaint to the Management Committee of the Soviet Far Eastern Special District: Soviet workers were forming Soviets without authorization, disrupting normal factory production, and inciting Chinese laborers to violate their labor contracts. He requested the Management Committee to intervene and stop the Soviet workers' "illegal activities."

In Cao Dewang's mind, this is the same as filing a complaint in his hometown—finding the government to suppress it.

Local government officials protecting local big business owners and favoring domestic capital in foreign-related disputes is commonplace in his hometown.

What he didn't know was that there were also people passing on messages at the factory.

There were also pro-Soviet factions among the Chinese workers. One person happened to overhear what the foreman was saying in the next room when he was reporting to Cao Dewang. That same evening, this person found a representative of the Soviet Union.

"Boss Cao is going to sue you," he said through the translator.

"He said that Chinese officials would inevitably side with him. Will you also be suppressed?"

The Soviet chairman did not panic after hearing this; he glanced at his watch.

"Don't panic. As long as our government doesn't issue a notice to stop us, we'll keep going! We, the working class, are the most powerful! Decades ago, people like this would have been hung from streetlights by us!"

That night, the factory Soviet held an emergency meeting.

The Soviet delegates held a meeting in a storage room in the dormitory area. The storage room was dimly lit, with only a bare light bulb.

The chairman stood up.

"Comrades, here's the situation..." He announced Cao Dewang's complaint plan.

“If he files a complaint first, the management committee might hesitate – after all, Cao Dewang is an investor, and the management committee doesn’t want to offend the investor. We must act before him.”

He looked at everyone.

"First, we must immediately establish a temporary Party branch in the factory."

In the Soviet system, the power of the Party branch was higher than that of the Soviet.

Soviets were self-governing organizations of workers, and Party branches were the Party's leadership over the grassroots.

Once a Party branch was established and approved, the Soviet's actions were endorsed by the Party—if the Management Committee wanted to negate the Soviet, it would be tantamount to negating the Party branch, and negating a grassroots Party branch was a very sensitive matter in the Soviet political climate.

"Second, establish a strike command. Starting tomorrow morning, a full-scale strike will begin. Not only Soviet workers, but we must also try to get Chinese workers to participate, or at least a portion of them."

"Third, a formal notification should be sent to the management committee and the Far East Special Economic Zone trade union headquarters at the same time as the strike begins:"

The factory Soviet, acting in accordance with Soviet labor law and trade union law, legally organized a strike because management refused to implement the Soviet's legal resolutions. We request the management committee to send someone to arbitrate.

He looked out the window.

The night in Nakhodka was quiet, with the sea breeze blowing in from the Sea of ​​Japan, carrying the saltiness and a burning determination.

"We'll get there before him. We'll act as soon as it's light tomorrow morning. If this capitalist tries to strike first, we'll cut the phone line and send people to try and stop their car—we'll have the militia comrades puncture the capitalist's tires and fill the door locks with glue!"

"What if that capitalist intends to use force to destroy the machinery and attack our comrades?"

"What are you afraid of? Even if we're not allowed to use the weapon of criticism, we still have weapons to criticize, right?" "That's true."

The Soviet representatives looked at each other and then nodded one by one.

In this dark little room filled with scrap parts, a temporary party branch and a strike command were established.

There was no appointment letter, no official seal, and no official document.