Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

Protective forests can block wind and stabilize sand dunes, and protect adjacent farmland from being destroyed by white sandstorms. This is the most effective measure in the short term.

Slava then ordered an inventory of one thing—the Soviet Union's legacy of protected forests from the Stalin era.

Fortunately, Comrade Stalin left a great legacy in ecological protection, which has not been completely destroyed by later generations over the years.

The Soviet Union's system of nature reserves was initially a very advanced system. It differed from the national parks in the United States, which were used as recreational areas—Stalin's philosophy in establishing nature reserves was to completely isolate nature from human activity, allowing only scientists and rangers to enter.

This concept originated from the theory of a soil biologist in the 1890s. From 1919 to 1932, the Soviet Union established 128 national and local nature reserves, covering a total area of ​​12.6 million hectares.

However, this system suffered two major setbacks during the later years of Stalin's reign.

It's Lysenko again. Slava almost burst out laughing when he saw this part; Lysenko's reach is really long.

The agricultural research station in the protected area fell under the control of Lysenko and his gang. Lysenko's theory that "acquired traits can be inherited" has an ecological counterpart—if an individual can be artificially modified, then an entire biological community can also be artificially manipulated.

As a result, many protected areas were used for a bunch of clumsy environmental modification experiments, most of which failed, leaving behind a mess.

The second was the Great Purge of 1951.

In 1950, the head of the protected area system proposed to remove 85 percent of the land from protected status and transfer it to state farms or the timber industry, while the remaining protected area would be used as an agricultural experimental station.

Both proposals were implemented between 1951 and 1952. The entire protected area system was reduced to only forty areas, covering a total area of ​​about 1.4 million hectares—only about 12% of the pre-war area.

Later, when Khrushchev came to power, he dealt another blow to the nature reserves. It is said that he watched a documentary in which scientists squatted down to observe squirrels eating nuts. He felt that this was keeping idle people around, so he closed down another batch of nature reserves, and merged or reduced the size of the remaining ones.

It wasn't until the Brezhnev era that nature reserves began to slowly recover. Protection was once again given importance, and the public's interest in nature shifted towards aesthetic and philosophical levels. By 1981, the number of nature reserves had grown to 129.

In January 1988, the Soviet Union established the State Committee for Nature Conservation. This was the first state-level environmental protection agency in the Soviet Union. Before that, environmental protection was scattered among dozens of different departments—which were often the sources of pollution themselves.

Slava took stock of this environmental legacy, and the results weren't very good.

Although some recovery occurred slowly during the Brezhnev era, many protected forests are now shrinking due to lack of funding and management. In some areas, rampant logging and theft of state property have even emerged!

Forest rangers are broke, while those who cut down trees are bold. Both sides have opened their minds and started using their brains, and that's how state assets are stolen bit by bit!

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

Slava decided to turn this from a departmental task into a matter for the whole society.

It's not enough for the government to just fund the protection of those few forests. We need to get ordinary people to be willing to plant trees, protect the forests, and care about this land.

Therefore, the central government decided to promote tree planting and environmental protection culture under the premise of national protection, and to promote harmonious coexistence between humans and nature.

Director Nian had a plan on how to explain this to the people.

“You see, I personally always like to think about motivation from the perspective of material incentives. But you can’t just talk about sacrifices when it comes to environmental protection,” Director Nian said. “If you keep telling people that you have to plant less land, cut down fewer trees, make concessions, and sacrifice for the sake of the environment—nobody will be willing. Why should people give unconditionally?”

“You have to show them that environmental protection brings benefits,” she said. “The shelterbelts block the white storms and protect their crops, that’s a benefit.”

Once the soil fertility is restored, everything planted in the future will grow well, which is a benefit;

If the soil and water are preserved, future generations will still have land to cultivate, which is a benefit.

When people protect the ecosystem, the ecosystem will reward them—it's a win-win situation! Ultimately, protecting the Earth is protecting ourselves.

After thinking for a moment, she came up with a slogan: "We can promote it like this: 'Lucid waters and lush mountains are invaluable assets; let's create an ecologically harmonious home together.'"

"Okay!" Slava said, "Let's use this one!"

There's a ready-made plan for how to implement this: the Soviet Union had a tradition of voluntary labor on Saturdays.

Every Saturday, everyone comes out to contribute to public good. Tree planting doesn't need to be a new holiday; it can be integrated into the old tradition of Saturday voluntary labor. On the appointed day, everyone carries saplings out to plant trees.

The director also made a suggestion.

“Simply having voluntary labor on Saturdays isn’t enough to make a difference,” she said. “I suggest setting aside a special day—Ecology Month. Set it in May, and encourage all the people of the Soviet Union to care about and protect the environment. Once a year, let the word ‘environmental protection’ take root in the hearts of the people.”

Slava nodded.

From that day forward, the Soviet Union began to repay its ecological debt. This debt would be repaid more slowly, more difficultly, and with no end in sight than its economic debt.

It will take at least a decade or more for the Aral Sea to recover, and it will take generations of effort to restore saline-alkali land. Afforestation cannot be effective in just a few days, and it takes too much manpower, resources, and time to grow a forest from a sapling.

Someone has to pay the price for this, and the wisdom of future generations will only lead to the conclusion that "future generations will also grieve for their predecessors."

Just as the Soviet Union began to address its ecological problems in May, the Americans suddenly came knocking with sweet words and promises.

On May 17, 1988, U.S. President Reagan visited Moscow.

Chapter 97 Joint Harvesting of Japan

The U.S. delegation arrived in Moscow on May 17.

On the afternoon of his arrival, after exchanging pleasantries with Slava, Reagan planned to give a speech at Moscow State University.

His stated purpose for this trip was to complete the exchange of ratification instruments for the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, while also demonstrating the easing of US-Soviet relations. At the same time, he needed a diplomatic victory to divert domestic attention.

The situation of the US president during the Great Depression was extremely embarrassing. Everyone knew that the Republican Party was doomed in this election. The candidate, Bush, was trailing the Democratic candidate, Dick Gephart, by about 20 percentage points in the polls. Several swing states in the American Midwest had turned blue, and a blue wall, like an iron curtain, kept the Republican Party out of the seat of the 41st president of the United States.

Reagan is now universally disliked in the US, and his words carry no weight. Although the US has pulled itself out of the abyss in the past few months, the memories of previous wounds are still fresh: soaring unemployment, bank failures, and public anger.

Reagan, spending all his time in the White House dealing with a domestic mess, was a sitting duck.

A visit to the Soviet Union now would at least change the headlines from "Evil Soviet spy Reagan is responsible for economic collapse" to "President's visit promotes peace"—even if only for a few days.

Reagan's political instincts told him that when in a weaker position, it's even more important to project a strong one. His trip to Moscow to shake hands with Soviet leaders was meant to demonstrate to the world that "the United States remains a party to the negotiating table," a crucial element for the Republican Party's political survival.

Reagan's trip to give this speech was not hindered by the Soviet Union in any way. On the contrary, at the suggestion of the leader, Slava helped Reagan publicize the date, time and place of his speech, and even applied for a stadium for him, saying that this would attract more people.

Reagan was very grateful for this, believing that the fact that the Soviet Union had disregarded past grievances and allowed an "anti-communist" to give a speech in the heart of a communist country was enough to prove that the Soviet Union also had ulterior motives towards the United States and wanted to make some friendly moves...?

...

A few hours ago at the Kremlin

"Brother Lao, don't you want to take this once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to find out just how many intellectuals are disloyal to us? That's the President of the United States, the symbol of the free world, the messiah who saves countless pro-Americans!" Director Nian hinted.

"Great! I'm not afraid of any anti-communists. I'm thrilled to hear Reagan is coming to give a speech. I must immediately summon the KGB! Let your brother Xiong see which college students don't like going to class!"

"We're so perfectly in sync!"

The two exchanged a smile. Slava opened his terminal, skillfully logged into his account, and entered the work group chat.

AAA Arrest Warrant Wholesaler Xiong Ge: "@Viktor Chebrkov, keep an eye on the people who attended Reagan's speech, and give me a list later."

Viktor Chebrikov: "Received, Comrade General Secretary."

...

On the afternoon of May 18th, at the Moscow Olympic Stadium

The seats were packed with people who came to hear Reagan's speech. Some were just there to watch the spectacle, but many more were there on a pilgrimage.

This day was no ordinary one, because it was Monday. Slava had deliberately scheduled Reagan's speech for Monday instead of Sunday to filter out a group of people. However, after taking the count, it turned out that most of the people who came here were pro-American intellectuals and students from the country.

They came with high expectations.

This group of people grew up reading banned books that were secretly copied and circulated. In their hearts, they cherish an America—an America of free markets, an America of Western-style multi-party democracy and freedom, an America where human rights are etched into their very bones.

That America was a window they left for themselves within the stifling Soviet system, a glimmer of hope. Reagan, on the other hand, was the living embodiment of that America, the saint who stood at the pinnacle of the free world, daring to call the Soviet Union an "evil empire" to Brezhnev's face!

They came to hear Reagan talk about those things: how the free market is superior to a planned economy, how multi-party democracy is more enlightened than a one-party dictatorship, human rights, and those things they dared not say in public but had repeated to themselves over and over again.

They wanted Reagan to go into more detail, much more detail—to say those things clearly and frankly for them.

Reagan himself was startled by the scene. He was no longer so popular in the United States. He was afraid that he would be shot dead if he walked down the street without bodyguards and went to meet Kennedy openly.

He stood on the podium.

He was seventy-seven years old, and a gentle smile appeared on his face before he began his speech.

He talked about peace, the cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union, the glorious past of the two countries working together to fight fascism during World War II, dialogue that transcends ideologies, and some lukewarm, beautiful words that no one could find fault with, but no one could remember.

The free market, which is of most concern to the audience, was only briefly mentioned; human rights, he also touched on them lightly, as if he had just mentioned them casually and then quickly slid away.

The expressions on the faces of the intellectuals who had come with high expectations shifted from anticipation to doubt, and finally to disappointment.

Someone whispered to the person next to them, "Why did he stop talking? Why isn't he saying anything? It must be a problem with the dictatorship system!"

No one could answer it.

The answer is obvious, but these people just won't believe it yet. Did Reagan not advocate for a free market because he didn't want one? The American free market had just collapsed six months prior, banks collapsed en masse, millions lost their jobs, and "Hoovervilles" were springing up one after another on the outskirts of cities.

If he were to stand on that stage right now and passionately preach about how superior the free market is, newspapers all over the world would publish it as a joke the next day! What right does a president who just dragged his country into the Great Depression have to tout the greatness of this system on someone else's soil?

When the speech ended, the applause in the auditorium was sparse, as if Reagan had taken a huge dump.

The pro-American intellectuals and students seemed rather unhappy as they left the hall. One of them remarked as he walked out:

"This is not the America we believe in."

Perhaps that America was never as perfect as they imagined, or perhaps the embodiment of that America no longer has the confidence to defend it. The window, the dream, that these people had cherished for half their lives—shattered in Reagan's evasive silence.

The collapse of the United States is not only of its own economy, but also of the idol in the hearts of those who worship it thousands of kilometers away.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

The next day, at the Kremlin.

Reagan and Slava sat down to talk formally. After the pleasantries, Reagan quickly got to the point. He wasn't there to reminisce or give a speech; he was there to make a deal.

"Mr. General Secretary, I'll get straight to the point—the United States is currently facing some difficulties."

This was an extremely subtle way of putting it. Slava nodded without replying, waiting for him to continue.

"I hope the Soviet Union can lend a hand to the United States and help us stabilize our economy."

Slava knew in his heart how difficult it was to say those words.

Reagan's lifelong creed was to maintain a hardline economic blockade against the Soviet Union and never give the enemy any benefits. Now, sitting in the Kremlin, he was asking his lifelong number one enemy for help—this was indeed painful.

But Reagan wasn't alone; behind him stood a massive interest group. Even if Reagan was unwilling to submit to those high-ranking officials whose interests were harmed, they would still have to kneel down before him.

The survival instincts of politicians in the US Congress are stronger than ideology; Reagan was forced into this situation.

“In exchange,” Reagan said, pulling out the other half of the scale, “I know what the Soviet Union wants. You want technology-controlled materials, right?”

Slava's eyes twitched.

This is indeed what he wants. Everything he's promoted over the years has required a large amount of computer hardware, semiconductor manufacturing equipment, and precision machine tools.

The Soviet Union could manufacture these things itself, but its production volume and manufacturing level were still catching up. The Western control wall of COCOM blocked the option of importing them.

Reagan said, "I can't publicly lift the technology export controls on COCOM—you know, if I publicly lifted export controls on the Soviet Union, the conservatives at home would devour me. But—"

He paused for a moment: "How the controls are implemented is another matter! COCOM is a coordination mechanism. Which technologies are restricted, and to what extent, is determined by the technical lists and approvals at the lower levels."

I can ask the Ministry of Commerce to be lenient when approving export licenses. The rules remain unchanged, but enforcement is relaxed. Applications for civilian dual-use goods—civilian computers, communication equipment, machine tools—that would normally be rejected can be conditionally approved, and those that were previously strictly restricted can be quietly released.

He gave himself a ready-made way out.

"As for persuading the domestic population, you don't need to worry. Last December, our two countries just signed the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty. With the improvement of US-Soviet relations, the appropriate relaxation of trade in civilian technologies is an extension of this new relationship. As long as it doesn't involve direct military technology, the public won't care too much about who sells a computer or a batch of machine tools."

Slava listened calmly. These were indeed the things he wanted; even just civilian technology would be a shot in the arm for upgrading the Soviet Union's light industry.

Reagan went on to add: "Furthermore, if the Soviet Union is willing to join the international patent system—I can make even more concessions."

Slava raised an eyebrow.

"The technology you 'took' from the West through certain channels over the years," Reagan said politely, but everyone understood his meaning, "we can let bygones be bygones once you've joined the international patent system."

He then threw out one last thing.

"The United States can also help you with the South African issue. We also hope that this damn apartheid regime will step down."

Reagan clearly came prepared; he brought a dedicated team with him. Slava can directly discuss and create a list with this team about anything they want to deregulate or acquire technology and resources.

After discussing these major points, Reagan casually handed over something more specific.

“By the way, Mr. General Secretary,” Reagan’s tone lightened, “I’ve heard that the Soviet Union is now trying to develop meat production?”

Slava looked at him and nodded.

“We can cooperate on this. We can sell our broiler chickens at a low price in the US, and we can also sell you our modern chicken farming technology.” He smiled. “If the Soviet Union allows it, our American fried chicken restaurants would also like to open stores in the Soviet Union and expand our market.”

Slava listened to Reagan's entire offer. The United States had indeed laid out all the options it could offer that wouldn't require too much sacrifice.

He did not agree immediately.

“Mr. President, these are very important matters that I cannot make decisions on my own. The Politburo needs to discuss this matter in detail.”

That's half true and half a delaying tactic.

Reagan nodded. He understood the situation in the Soviet Union, and he didn't expect to finalize such a large deal on the spot.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

As soon as Reagan left, Slava summoned Director Nian from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and explained to him in detail the price Reagan had offered.