Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

“Mr. President,” Schultz spread out a map, “we can no longer deploy our forces in every corner of the globe as we have in the past. We don’t have enough money; Congress has already cut most of our overseas operations budget. We must make choices, abandoning some places and concentrating our resources on the most critical areas.”

"What's the most important thing?" Reagan asked.

"The Middle East, especially Saudi Arabia."

Iran is now crippled and unable to compete with Saudi Arabia for influence; we can let Saudi Arabia take our place in the charge.

Reagan nodded.

"What we need most right now is to stabilize the dollar! In the face of an economic crisis, the dollar's credibility is our lifeline, and one of the pillars of the dollar's credibility is oil, which is the cornerstone of the dollar's hegemony. As long as oil is still mainly settled in dollars, the world will still have to hold onto dollars, and the dollar will not collapse."

Schultz said, "We support Saudi Arabia to expand its influence in the Gulf and make it the backbone of the region. In exchange, Saudi Arabia helps us keep oil firmly tied to the dollar. That way, even if we shrink from everything else, as long as we hold onto Saudi Arabia and the petrodollar, our foundation remains."

Since we can't save all our assets, we should use all our strength to protect the most valuable thing—the well. We can lose everything else, but we cannot lose this well.

Reagan asked, "So, which places do we have to give up?"

“Many. We’ve already started withdrawing from Angola in Africa, and we have to let go of many places in Africa, and also—Afghanistan.”

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

Afghanistan's current situation is very delicate.

The Soviet Union began its phased withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1983, gradually retreating northward. By now, the Soviet Union had effectively abandoned all of southern Afghanistan, maintaining firm control only in the north. The ethnic groups in northern Afghanistan are Uzbeks, Tajiks, and Turkmen, who share ethnicities with the Soviet republics in Central Asia and naturally reject the customs and practices of the Pashtuns in the south.

For several years, the Soviet Union cultivated pro-Soviet local warlords in the north to maintain order, turning the area into a fairly stable buffer zone centered on Mazar-i-Sharif.

And what about the jihadists in the south?

Life is getting harder and harder for jihadists.

Since the Sino-Soviet friendship was established, China has completely cut off its support for Afghan jihadists—especially now that the territory controlled by the jihadists borders Tibet directly, China has even less reason to keep a group of troublemakers on its own doorstep.

American aid is also about to run out. The United States is in the midst of a major recession, and the CIA is spending $500 to $700 million annually to support Afghanistan, but that has now been cut by Congress.

With less money and fewer weapons, the barely maintained unity within the jihadists began to crumble.

The jihadists have never been a unified force. They are a loose alliance of at least seven main factions, whose animosity sometimes rivals their hatred for the Soviet Union. What has held these factions together in the past is American funding and coordination by Pakistani intelligence agencies. Now that American funding has dwindled significantly, this alliance is rapidly crumbling.

The most hardline, most favored by Pakistani intelligence, and highest-paid American, Hekmatyar would never agree to any ceasefire that acknowledges the existence of the Soviet Union—but now that he has less money, he is less assertive.

The situation was completely different for Masoud, the Tajik "Lion of Panjshir" in the north—he controlled the territory in the north-central region, he was a Tajik, not a Pashtun, and had a natural divide with the Pashtun jihadists in the south.

Historically, he had reached a partial ceasefire with the Soviet Union, and he and Hekmatyar were sworn enemies. Given the current situation, someone like Massoud is entirely capable of sitting down and negotiating.

Since the various factions could not reach a consensus, and no one could convince anyone else, some wanted to fight, some wanted to negotiate, and some only wanted to hold onto their own small territory. This force, which had once given the Soviet Union a major headache, became a disorganized mess.

The Soviet Union in the north no longer intended to advance south. Its only goal was to hold the north and secure its Central Asian borders. The jihadists in the south, having lost aid from the United States and China, also lacked the strength to push further north.

And so a stalemate was formed.

The Hindu Kush Mountains traverse Afghanistan, forming a de facto dividing line between the north and south. The north is a buffer zone controlled by the Soviet Union, while the south is home to separatist jihadists; neither side can truly conquer the other.

"So, Mr. President, Afghanistan is no longer worth our continued investment. We won't get any results by throwing money at it; it's just a waste of money."

Do you mean we should give up?

Schultz suggested, "I suggest we take the initiative to negotiate an Afghan peace plan with the Soviet Union."

Reagan raised an eyebrow.

"Instead of dragging things out, we should proactively turn it into a peaceful outcome. We should talk to the Soviet Union and push for a ceasefire under the framework of the United Nations. In this way, our withdrawal from Afghanistan will no longer be a retreat, but rather a contribution to peace."

This is a political achievement that can be touted domestically—look, President Reagan ended the war in Afghanistan! We saved a huge amount of money that we can then invest in the Middle East.”

Reagan understood what Schultz meant: this was a dignified end for a bankrupt empire—it was too weak to fight anymore, and it wasn't worth fighting anymore, so they packaged their inability to fight as a choice of peace.

Moreover, having a talk with the young Soviet General Secretary about peace in Afghanistan had other benefits, at least in showing the world that the United States and the Soviet Union could sit down and talk and reach an agreement.

This is good for stabilizing public sentiment.

Reagan finally said, "Then we'll push for a UN ceasefire and withdraw our resources from Afghanistan to focus them on Saudi Arabia."

He paused, a complex expression flashing across his face.

"Back then, we poured so much money into Afghanistan and armed so many people just to make the Soviet Union bleed there. Now, we're out of money ourselves, and we have to work with the Soviet Union to put a lid on the fire we started."

The meeting room fell silent for a moment.

“Things have changed, George,” Reagan said softly to the Secretary of State.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

The UN-backed ceasefire resolution in Afghanistan came into effect on March 11.

The United States, the Soviet Union, northern Afghanistan, Laos, and Pakistan jointly signed the resolution, but the various jihadist factions did not sign it at all.

The jihadists are already divided and in civil war, unable to reach a consensus, and no one can represent anyone else.

However, all jihadists tacitly acknowledged the validity of this resolution.

Hardliners may deny it, but they lack the power to undermine it; moderates are happy to see it happen, as it provides an opportunity to catch their breath and hold onto their territory.

So even though no jihadist faction signed the resolution, the ceasefire was effectively in effect.

An international ceasefire line, like an iron curtain, has descended upon Afghanistan, much like the armistice line on the Korean Peninsula or the Green Line in Cyprus. None of the parties recognize the other's legitimacy, but they agree to cease hostilities.

The relatively neutral local warlords who guarded this ceasefire line as a buffer zone were neither entirely under the control of the Soviet Union nor the Southern jihadists. They simply guarded their own section of the mountain pass, refusing to offend anyone, and maintained the line.

As soon as the ceasefire took effect, the Soviet Union began a new round of actions—further troop withdrawal.

The Soviet Union withdrew another batch of its troops from Afghanistan. This was something Ivanov had always wanted to do: to pull all Soviet troops out of the quagmire of Afghanistan.

However, the Soviet Union did not completely abandon its presence in Kabul; the pro-Soviet Kabul regime still needed protection. The Soviet regular army had withdrawn, but the regime couldn't just be left hanging!

As a result, a special force took over all Soviet military presence in Kabul.

They were a mercenary group with Soviet ties led by Prigozin.

This legion is composed of a diverse group of people, with the main source of recruits coming from Africa—those who have fought their way through various conflicts supported by the Soviet Union, and those veterans who are willing to risk their lives for money.

In name, they were just a mercenary force paid to do their job. The Kabul regime paid them to stand guard, fight, and maintain order for the Kabul regime.

But this legion had a way that other mercenaries didn't: they could buy Soviet weapons at very low prices.

This fully demonstrates that this mercenary group was actually a glove of the Soviet military.

The Soviet military needed to maintain a presence and exert influence in certain areas, but it was inconvenient to have the regular army directly intervene—to do so would be an official Soviet action, which would incur official responsibility and international pressure.

Thus, this mercenary legion was formed, with the legion acting as the front man and the Soviet military behind it. The dirty work, the hard work, and the tasks that were inconvenient to handle with their hands were all given to this glove.

Meanwhile, all the experimental new equipment of the Soviet military would be sent to Prigozin for testing, making this corps a testing ground for the Soviet military. Whether the new equipment was good or not, these mercenaries would test it on the battlefields of Afghanistan and Africa first, and only after it was proven effective would it be issued to the regular army.

Now that Afghanistan has ceasefired, there's little fighting left between the North and South.

Prigozin was then recalled from Afghanistan to Moscow.

The two had not seen each other for many years. The last time they met was when Slava was robbed in an alley by this thug. Now, the mercenary leader was coming to meet the youngest General Secretary of the Soviet Union.

Chapter 92 Griffin Contractors Established

Prigozin felt he was about to be purged.

He hadn't expected it to be Slava himself who would meet him; he had assumed that the person receiving him would be someone from the military—after all, he was the military's glove, and those in charge of the military were always the ones who controlled the glove.

The General Secretary stands at such a high position; how could the head of a country personally come to meet a mercenary leader? That's against the rules!

However, considering that he had previously robbed Slava and formed a connection with him, it was reasonable for Slava to want to see him.

Good morning, Prigozin.

"Comrade General Secretary." Prigozin walked into the General Secretary's office under the watchful eyes of two special agents, who stood behind him.

“Hey, Prigozin, don’t be so formal. You didn’t call me that a few years ago in that alley in Leningrad,” Slava joked.

A pitifully thick barrier had already formed between him and Prigozin.

When Prigozin heard Slava bring up the old story again, the anxiety in his heart increased even more.

In his view, the General Secretary's personal meeting with him could mean either that his legion was more valuable than he thought, so valuable that the General Secretary needed to intervene personally. Or... well, the General Secretary's personal meeting with someone who knew too much and had shady dealings could also mean it was time to deal with that person.

He did too many shady things for the Soviet military in Afghanistan over the past two years. When his mercenary group was first established, most of the core members were ruthless characters he picked out one by one from prisons—people who had killed people, had been sentenced to heavy prison terms, the kind of people who couldn't survive in normal society but thrived on the battlefield.

Later, they recruited mercenaries who had been living on the edge of Africa and were willing to do anything for money.

Prigozin knows best where this team's moral bottom line is—it has no bottom line at all!

It's said that once the birds are all gone, the bow is put away. Now that the war in Afghanistan is over, he knows too many secrets. He knows about those experimental equipment, about the Soviet military's unacknowledged actions in Afghanistan and elsewhere, and about too many things a mercenary shouldn't know.

According to ancient Eastern wisdom, he should retire now.

“Sit down.” Slava pointed to the chair opposite him. “Why are you standing? It’s not like I’m interrogating you.”

Prigozin sat down on the edge of the chair, but only half of his buttocks were on it.

Slava found his appearance somewhat amusing. This tough guy, who had been a force to be reckoned with on the Afghan battlefield and could lead more than two thousand desperate men to conquer cities and strongholds, was sitting in front of him as nervous as a new recruit waiting to be disciplined.

Slava suddenly said, "I still remember what it was like when we first met."

Prigozin's body stiffened.

At that time, Slava had just been sent by Andropov to prepare for the Western 81 exercise and had reported to Leningrad. Prigozin was a young man on the fringes of society, relying on his ruthlessness and a few accomplices to do petty theft and robbery.

As fate would have it, Prigozin led a group to rob Slava, and within minutes the KGB came to arrest him. At that moment, he thought his life was over; he would either be thrown in jail or simply disappear.

Instead of killing him, Koslava promoted Prigozin! He pulled this courageous young man out of the gutter of society, gave him a position, and later sent him to Afghanistan.

Prigozin's life changed completely from that moment on.

He transformed from a street thug into a commander capable of leading troops into battle, the leader of a mercenary group! And it all started with that robbery where he inexplicably robbed the wrong person, and Slava's inexplicable decision not to investigate but to promote him.

Slava leaned back in his chair and looked at Prigozin with interest: "Hey, I thought to myself, someone who's so poor and down on his luck actually dares to rob an official—this guy is either an ignorant fool or someone who's destined for a bad life."

He tapped on the table.

"It turns out I was right."

Prigozin's expression finally softened slightly. To him, Slava's words had two meanings:

One aspect is nostalgia—the General Secretary still remembers what happened back then and is willing to reminisce with him;

But on another level—the General Secretary bringing up this old issue was a reminder that the evidence of his robbery of the KGB back then was still being held by the General Secretary.

Don't forget your background, don't forget what you owe me, don't forget who gave you your life!

In front of people with KGB backgrounds, Prigozin dared not take any kind words as mere flattery.

“Comrade General Secretary,” Prigozin cleared his throat, straightening his back a little, “I’ve come here today to tell you something.”

"explain."

"I...I want to resign, I want to retire."

Slava raised an eyebrow.

"retire?"

“Yes,” Prigozin said. “Comrade General Secretary, I have suffered many injuries on the battlefield over the years. My health is deteriorating year by year. I was shot in the leg in Afghanistan two years ago, and it still hurts on cloudy or rainy days.”

At this age, and having suffered these injuries, I really don't want to risk my life on the battlefield again.

He glanced at Slava furtively: "I just want to go back to my country and enjoy a few days of normal life."

Slava didn't speak, she just looked at him.

Prigozin felt a little uneasy under that gaze and quickly continued:

"Uh... actually, Comrade General Secretary, I've always had a dream: I want to be a chef."

"chef?"

“Yes, a cook,” Prigozin said. “Don’t laugh, I learned a lot about cooking during my years of downtime in Afghanistan. I can cook better for the brothers than anyone else! I really honed my skills.”

Slava became interested. The contrast was too great—a mercenary leader who led a group of outlaws to fight on the battlefield dreamed of being a chef!

"So what do you plan to do after you retire? Open a restaurant?"

“Well, you can’t do it all at once.” Prigozin thought for a moment, and his eyes lit up. “I plan to start small. I think it would be good to set up a stall selling grilled sausages at the subway station entrance.”

Prigozin said seriously, "My sausages are absolutely delicious! I'll start by selling sausages at a stall and save up little by little. Once I've saved enough, I'll buy a boat and turn it into a restaurant."

As he spoke, his longing grew stronger: "I want to moor it by the river and turn it into a beautiful restaurant. I'll be the owner, I'll cook myself, and the guests will sit on the boat, enjoying the river view while eating my food."

As he spoke, a gentle expression appeared on his face that Slava had never seen before.

"Comrade General Secretary, I haven't been back to China for many years. This time when I came back, I found that the country has changed a lot, and the supply of goods is much better than when I left."

With more goods in the shops, the sorrow on people's faces has lessened. I've spent so long in those chaotic places in Afghanistan, dealing with dead people every day... Now I just want to go home, lay down my gun, and enjoy this ordinary life.