Eagle, I don't want to form an alliance anymore.

No one will bring those things up again in any official setting. Some scars can't be healed by repeatedly reopening them.

But the most important point was not explicitly stated by Deng Xixian:

This time, the two families are on equal footing. It's no longer the relationship of the 1950s, where the father led the son, or the elder brother led the younger brother.

China learned its lesson and would never repeat it, and Slava had no intention of letting it suffer the same fate again—what he wanted was never a subservient state that kowtowed; what he wanted was a partner who could stand shoulder to shoulder with him and push back the Western narrative.

The ice begins to melt from here.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

Once the ice broke, the lumps that had been suppressed for over twenty years surfaced one by one.

The first issue is the thorn in the side between the two countries—military matters.

Slava clearly understands the three major obstacles that China has repeatedly mentioned over the years: first, the heavy Soviet military presence on the Sino-Soviet border and in Mongolia; second, the Soviet Union's support for Vietnam's reluctance to leave Cambodia; and third, Afghanistan.

The Afghan issue is no longer a problem. The Soviet Union has now withdrawn most of its forces from Afghanistan, and a large "mercenary" group is maintaining the northern front. Afghanistan is in a state of division, so let Lao Zhong deal with the mujahideen who control the southeast.

The Vietnam issue has been largely resolved. The Soviet Union had already withdrawn the large amount of aid it had provided to Vietnam free of charge. Vietnam had relied on this large amount of aid to stay in Cambodia and refuse to withdraw its troops for years, but now it has finally withdrawn.

So Slava steered the conversation to the last point.

"Director Deng, now that the tone of Sino-Soviet reconciliation has been set, I think both sides are tired of the days when dozens of divisions are staring at each other across barbed wire along this border of thousands of kilometers."

The Soviet Union was willing to work with China to significantly reduce its troop presence on the border. I calculated that over a five-year period, each side would only retain one force for defense, around 150,000 troops.

He continued, "Not only on the border, but the Soviet Union also only retained a few symbolic military bases in Mongolia, and withdrew the rest. In addition, to prevent misunderstandings between the two sides, a direct communication hotline could be established between the two border troops, so that the border commanders could communicate at any time—to prevent another Zhenbao Island incident."

As soon as he said that, the air in the reception room relaxed.

Those bases in Mongolia had been a sword hanging over Beijing for decades. The Soviet army was only a few hundred kilometers south of Beijing from Mongolia, and the significance of Slava's initiative in removing that sword is self-evident.

With the pressure on the border lifted, China can free up the manpower and resources of those dozens of divisions and throw them into economic construction, which is exactly what Deng Xixian has been thinking about all these years.

For the Soviet Union, this was no less significant than for China: once this defense line of several thousand kilometers in the east was relaxed, the Soviet Union no longer had to carry the heavy burden of confronting two fronts simultaneously, and the saved military spending and resources could be used to feed its eagerly awaiting computerized planned economy.

The demobilized troops could be immediately put into the market. The Soviet Union had long suffered from a severe labor shortage. Even with the relaxation of birth control policies, it would take more than a decade for children to grow into working adults. In order to develop Slava, it was necessary to free up manpower from other sectors.

In return, China also demonstrated its sincerity: in Central Asia and in Xinjiang, both sides pledged never to interfere in ethnic separatism and religious activities within each other's territories—this is crucial for Slava, whose plan to resolve ethnic issues is at its most challenging stage, and he fears most that someone might pass the torch from Xinjiang to Central Asia.

Deng Xixian also stated on behalf of the Chinese side: "From now on, China will not follow the Western camp in making any international resolutions that involve the Soviet Union but do not affect China's national interests."

There are also various historical issues left over from the border, such as the division of the main channel of the Ussuri River, Zhenbao Island, and the border dispute areas on the Xinjiang side... One by one, they were laid out, and both sides made concessions. The Soviet Union of today is not the Soviet Union of the past that wanted to be the dominant party. Equality and mutual benefit have become the main theme of exchanges between the two countries.

Recalling the past between China and the Soviet Union, and comparing it with the current Sino-Soviet relations, Deng Xixian remarked with emotion:

"Comrade Ivanov, your spirit is truly remarkable!"

With the military issues resolved, Slava presented something even more significant.

“There is one more thing,” he said solemnly, “I would like to make a clear statement to China on behalf of the Soviet Union—the Soviet Union firmly adheres to the one-China principle.”

Taiwan is an inseparable part of China. On the issue of national reunification, the Soviet Union supported China's peaceful reunification. At the same time, we fully understand and respect China's position that it does not renounce the use of force.

This guarantee is right up Beijing's alley.

On another timeline, the Soviet Union had always been ambiguous and ambivalent on the Taiwan issue, keeping this pawn to slowly wear down Beijing. Slava abandoned this scheme; between two major socialist powers, under the most righteous banner of anti-imperialism, Soviet support for China's reunification was a matter of course, and there was no need to hide it.

Of course, Slava wasn't naive enough to think that Deng Xixian couldn't see the timing behind this statement.

The United States, across the ocean, was mired in the Great Depression triggered by Black Monday and was struggling to cope with its own problems. How could it possibly have the energy to turn against the Soviet Union and Lao Zhong over the issue of Taiwan?

At this moment, the cost to the international community of playing this card is the lowest it has been in decades.

Deng Xixian had indeed noticed this. He put down his teacup and slowly added:

"Comrade Ivanov certainly knows how to pick his time."

Slava laughed and readily admitted, "The Americans are too busy right now, so I can say that at this time. But Director Deng, on the other hand—being busy is a matter of timing, whether or not one is willing to say it is a matter of stance."

The Soviet Union has always maintained this stance; it's just that I can say it openly today.

The two exchanged a glance, both seeing a tacit understanding in each other's eyes. Slava had no intention of deceiving Deng Xixian, and Deng Xixian never expected to be fooled.

This honesty put both of them at ease more than any insincere or lavish gift.

After discussing the important matters that were meant to maintain appearances, the conversation turned to the real ballast—the economy.

On this point, Prime Minister Ryzhkov and Prime Minister Li Peng talked the most enthusiastically, because they soon discovered that the economies of the two countries were a match made in heaven!

The Soviet Union held what China lacked most—natural gas, heavy machinery and other industrial equipment and technology, as well as something China had been particularly envious of in recent years: agricultural machinery.

In recent years, the reform and opening up dismantled the people's communes and replaced them with the household contract responsibility system, where each household worked independently. Life became more prosperous, but the tractors and combine harvesters accumulated during the collectivization period also fell apart—some were dismantled and sold for scrap metal, while others were divided among several households, and no one could put together a complete machine.

Individual households with only three or five acres of land are no longer able to operate large machinery. Chinese agriculture is currently stuck at a critical juncture, urgently needing a batch of agricultural machinery suitable for small-scale operations.

And this is precisely what the Soviet Union's heavy industry could supply in large quantities.

Conversely, China also had much to offer the Soviet Union—ships of Chinese light industrial products, including canned goods, textiles, home appliances, bicycles, and sewing machines, were shipped over, filling the Soviet Union's perpetually empty shelves; and China's meat, fruit, and tea were imports that the Soviet Union's vast Far East and Siberia had relied on for many years.

At a time when the entire Western world was in recession and orders were evaporating, China and the Soviet Union became each other's most important markets.

The economic aspect of technology transactions has been initiated, and military matters can also be discussed. Slava has expressed his willingness to transfer some military technology to China, in exchange for rare earth elements and other strategic materials from China.

Both were treasures in the eyes of the other side—the Soviet Union had a strong military industry, and China had the best rare earth reserves.

Of course, this kind of thing has far-reaching consequences. The specifics of what to transfer and how to exchange it can't be decided on the table. Both sides agree to reach an agreement first, and then hand over the details to the diplomatic departments of the two countries to work out one by one.

What truly caught the eye of the Chinese representatives was the final thing Slava threw out.

Tumen River collaborative development.

This river forms a border between China and North Korea, and between the Soviet Union and North Korea. In the agreement reached between Slava and North Korea, the Soviet Union and North Korea agreed to develop the lower reaches of the Tumen River. However, the lower reaches of this river hold the outlet to the sea that China has long yearned for—the last fifteen kilometers where the river flows into the sea are bordered by the Soviet Union on one side and North Korea on the other. China is trapped in those fifteen kilometers closest to the sea, helplessly watching the Sea of ​​Japan without even an inch of waterway to the ocean.

This is what the Qing Dynasty ceded in the 1860 treaty. For 130 years, that vast land of Northeast China has remained a dead end—a place where one can see the sea but cannot actually reach it. Goods from Jilin have to travel across most of China to ports in Liaoning to reach the sea, incurring thousands of extra miles in shipping costs!

Slava proposed that China, the Soviet Union, and North Korea jointly build a special zone at the mouth of the Tumen River to open a sea outlet for China to the Sea of ​​Japan.

“This outlet to the sea is for commercial use only.” Slava made this purpose very clear: “Only for trade, no warships stationed here, that’s the bottom line.”

Slava also made the conditions clear: the territory was divided between the Soviet Union and North Korea, and China would have to pay rent and bear half of the port construction costs if it wanted to use it.

Deng Xixian pondered for a moment and slowly nodded. As for how to calculate the rent, how to divide the taxes, and how to share half of the construction cost—he waved his hand and left it to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to figure out.

The two great powers have always discussed things in this way: focusing on the big picture while leaving room for details.

Sigrún has taught at the Iceland University of the Arts as a part-time lecturer since and was Dean of the Department of Fine Art from -. In – she held a research position at Reykjavík Art Museum focusing on the role of women in Icelandic art. She studied fine art at the Icelandic College of Arts and Crafts and at Pratt Institute, New York, and holds BA and MA degrees in art history and philosophy from the University of Iceland. Sigrún lives and works in Iceland.

One by one, the major issues on the table were settled. Koslava knew that some things couldn't be said in front of so many eyes from both delegations.

During his midday rest, he specially invited Deng Xixian to a quiet side room, where he sat alone and brewed two cups of hot tea.

A row of portraits hangs on the wall—Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, and Mao Zedong, the five leaders standing side by side, with two lines of text written side by side in Chinese and Russian below:

Long live the invincible Marxism-Leninism! Long live the great unity of the people of the world!

The two dwarfs sat down on the wall, under the watchful eyes of the leaders who were waiting for their successors. The room was quiet, save for the sound of the Moscow wind outside the window.

Deng Xixian spoke first: "Comrade Ivanov, you've succeeded in developing this system—computers, cybernetics, and planned economy—that's truly remarkable."

"However, as someone who has spent most of my life struggling, I have something I want to tell you frankly. You go your own way, I won't comment, but China is going down a different path."

Slava licked his lips, not rushing to reply. He could tell that the main topic was about to be discussed.

Deng Xixian took a sip of tea, then changed the subject, his tone suddenly becoming more casual.

"Speaking of which, your old rival, the United States, has been causing quite a stir lately."

I've heard that what dragged the US down was a theory developed by an economist named Hayek. I've also heard that Hayek said something to the effect of, "If people are allowed to migrate freely, then the direction of the flow of people will be towards civilized places."

He put down his teacup, looked at Slava, and said with a smile, "Comrade Ivanov, if President Reagan asked me this question, how should I answer him?"

Slava didn't respond immediately, watching the old man with great interest.

Deng Xixian himself provided the answer, his Sichuan dialect revealing a lighthearted humor:

"Then I told him: 'I dare to open the border and immediately let millions of people across—does the US dare to accept that?'"

Slava was taken aback at first, then burst out laughing.

“Nagant will probably be shocked. He will probably remember what tens of thousands of Cubans did to Florida when Castro left the country—and that was only a few tens of thousands of people.”

He smiled and shook his head: "But Director Deng, if you had said that to me, I would have really agreed!"

Others fear large numbers of people, but the Soviet Union doesn't—the Soviet Union is desperately short of manpower. If you were really willing to send over a few million, I'd be laughing in my sleep!

"Comrade Ivanov, you're really funny." Deng Xixian laughed too.

They both laughed.

Neither of them intended to take the joke seriously. Both of them knew that the proposal was absolutely impossible to implement—if China were to actually send millions of people to the Soviet Union, it would be tantamount to admitting in front of the whole world that a socialist country was experiencing massive unemployment that it could not absorb!

If this statement is confirmed, the conservatives in China, who are already eager for reform, will surely cause a huge uproar, and the momentum of reform will be suppressed.

Slava continued, "..."

"Jokes won't do, but there are still some practical solutions. Director Deng, Siberia and the Far East in the Soviet Union are vast and rich in resources, but they are short of manpower—road construction, bridge building, infrastructure projects, there is a shortage of labor everywhere."

However, China has an ample supply of manpower. I'm wondering if we could do it this way:

The Soviet Union stepped in and hired Chinese workers to do these jobs.

He explained the plan in detail: "First, we'll sign a one-year business contract, one year at a time. As for wages, I'll pay them in rubles. When the workers' contracts expire and they go home, they can exchange their rubles for yuan at the exchange rate."

Slava deliberately paused on the word "ruble." Both of them understood the implications; in this world, the one thing that was abundant was money falling in value—

When the collapse across the ocean exploded, the dollar plummeted to hell, and the West German mark, venting its anger on the Americans, couldn't even sit still. The yen, on the other hand, rose sharply, but it was clear to everyone that the yen bubble would soon be burst by the Americans, who were eager to recoup their losses.

After all is said and done, the truly reliable and stable hard currency in the world right now is actually the ruble!

Paying Chinese workers with rubles was a pipe dream a few years ago, but now it's a tangible benefit.

Deng Xixian understood the significance of the ruble. But this old man had spent his entire life playing cards; he had his own calculations.

He hesitated for a moment, then slowly spoke, offering a counter-proposal:

“The ruble is good, but Comrade Ivanov, how about this—you can directly transfer the wages to our account in foreign currency. We will take care of the workers’ food and lodging.”

His reasoning was quite respectable: "After all, the laws, national conditions, and social cultures of China and the Soviet Union are different. If our workers were to have a conflict over these matters, it could easily damage the harmony between the two countries—it's better if we settle things ourselves, so you can save yourself the trouble."

Despite his polite words, Slava quickly realized what the old man truly wanted.

Deng Xixian wanted foreign exchange.

Slava knew all too well what Beijing coveted most right now—Europe's top-notch machine tools and the technology that the West was blocking from selling.

China has been facing a severe shortage of foreign exchange in recent years, and the country's total assets are limited. Deng Xixian intends to use the foreign exchange earned by these workers to invest in Europe and buy back things that can truly drive industrial upgrading.

Under the seven words "development is the only way forward," this is the most practical calculation.

Deng Xixian envisioned the workers' blood and sweat being transformed into machine tools, technology, and the future!

Koslava hesitated.

Because Deng Xixian's proposal hit the nail on the head regarding the most crucial aspect of his system. During Slava's year in office, workers' Soviets were established in every factory and enterprise in the Soviet Union.

This system is intertwined with his computerized planned economy centered on cybernetics—machines manage production, and the Soviets manage people.

Its primary function is to ensure that management safeguards the rights and interests of workers, making every penny and every account transparent to both management and producers, truly achieving the principle of "more work, more pay," and preventing anyone from secretly deducting from anyone's earnings.

This presented Slava with an unavoidable hurdle: if Chinese workers were to actually enter Soviet construction sites and their wages and benefits were significantly lower than those of local workers—this would certainly not be kept secret from the workers' Soviets.

Those sharp-eyed Soviet representatives would never stand idly by if they saw among their fellow workers a group of proletarian brothers who were also shedding blood and sweat but receiving inferior treatment!

They would unite, stand up for their compatriots in foreign lands, and put pressure on the government layer by layer.

Slava built this machine that emphasizes equality and transparency, and now it wants to prevent him from taking advantage of China's cheap labor.

This is the dividing line between Slava and Deng Xixian, a line that neither of them can convince the other.

“Director Deng,” Slava said after a long pause, “the difficulty with this method lies in the fact that the workers’ Soviet on my side will not agree to it.”

"My system is indeed slow, and its efficiency is compromised."

But I always feel that if socialism also starts calculating 'who can be left behind, who can be treated worse, and who can suffer first'—then it won't be much different from the system we're facing.

To ensure no one is left behind, and to ensure everyone can ultimately achieve self-actualization, I'm willing to accept even if it's a little slower.

The room fell silent for a moment.

Deng Xixian did not immediately refute, but spoke after a long time.

"Comrade Ivanov, what you said makes a good point! But China has been poor for too long."

He gazed out the window, as if looking into a very distant place.

“A country that is starving cannot talk about many empty principles. We have also talked about ‘large-scale and public ownership’, ‘taking a leap into communism’, and absolute equality for all people. But the time when we talked about these principles the loudest was precisely when the most people starved to death.”